Showing posts with label institutions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label institutions. Show all posts

Friday, June 12, 2020

Take A Second Look At Conservative Organizations

     "Every great cause begins as a movement, becomes a business, and eventually degenerates into a racket." – Eric Hoffer

     The critical importance of “supporting conservative organizations” is touted widely and vociferously...by conservative organizations. Yet, as Ned Ryun points out in this piercing piece, “conservative organizations” such as the Heritage Foundation have a stunning record for consuming millions in donations while producing nothing but froth and gas:

     Today some people, myself included, are rightly asking: if Heritage can’t support the most basic tenets of America’s founding and affirm its rise to exceptionalism, what is the point of Heritage at all? They claim to be conservatives, but what have they conserved? Where are their victories?

     Their own list of alleged accomplishments is amusing, to say the least. Heritage claims credit for the list of President Donald Trump’s judges—which is funny, as it is common knowledge among conservatives that the list was compiled, analyzed, and vetted by the Federalist Society at the direction of Leonard Leo and former White House Counsel Don McGahn. Heritage takes credit for being active in some policy issues during the Trump Administration, too. But for an institution that once prided itself on being the “think tank” of the Reagan Revolution, that’s not saying much.

     Donald Trump did not come our way out of any “conservative organization.” Indeed, most of them fought him savagely – and not on the basis of his positions, but because of his “style.” Concerning what Heritage has actually been doing with the donations of its supporters, Ryun cuts like a new scalpel:

     What is more interesting—and telling—is what Heritage considers one of its greatest achievements in the past 20 years. Going back to 2003 this former bastion for the limited size of government brags about doubling in size, building an eight-story office edifice with a 230-person seat auditorium. More troubling than expanding its own footprint is its efforts to vastly expand the size and reach of the federal government by promoting and pushing ideas that are antithetical to conservative principles.

     Look only at the famous—or infamous, depending on who you talk to—example of Heritage being one of the primary advocates of Romneycare, the godfather of Obamacare. Ed Feulner, former president of Heritage, vociferously denies it, but facts are pernicious things.

     Not terribly conservative, eh what?


     One of the most insidious diseases of the institutional mindset is the tendency to conflate inputs with outputs – i.e., when asked “what is being accomplished?” (especially if a truthful answer is “approximately nothing”) to redirect attention to what’s being spent. This sprouts directly from the institutional dynamic, the highest priority of which is to survive and to grow regardless of whether the institution’s nominal purpose is still being served. (Cf. the Eric Hoffer quote at the beginning of this screed.) Governments do it, too, which is one of the Right’s greatest frustrations with our federal government.

     It’s worse, of course, when a “conservative organization” starts to turn traitor, and lobbies for “compromise” with the Left on matters of principle. Heritage and others have been found advocating soft versions of Leftist nostrums. Often their policy wonks will back a weakened Leftist proposal – the sort of thing that’s guaranteed to deteriorate over time into outright socialism or communism, such as RomneyCare – with the plea that “we have to do something” and “it could be worse:” hardly a conservative’s favorite argument.

     (“Smile,” the man said. “Things could be worse.” So I smiled...and they got worse.)

     There’s no need to thrash this into pulp. Before you pull out your checkbook, or fish out your credit card, or click the PayPal donation button, or whatever donating to XYZ Society involves, try to determine what that organization has actually achieved. Insist on real, individual-rights-respecting achievements in public policy, not fancy new office buildings or “white papers” that have had no demonstrable effect on American governance. Be critical of claims that XYZ is responsible for some Right-leaning policy, if those claims are presented without hard evidence. Be furious about XYZ’s participation in advocating or enacting policies that undermine individual freedom or the Constitutional limits on government.

     It’s your money. Spend it wisely.

     “Now that you know the truth about your world, stop supporting your own destroyers. The evil of the world is made possible by nothing but the sanction you give it. Withdraw your sanction. Withdraw your support. Do not try to live on your enemies’ terms or to win at a game where they’re setting the rules.” – Ayn Rand

Saturday, April 7, 2018

“A Scoop Of What?”

     A couple of years ago, James Delingpole wrote an exceptional piece that expressed the tactical importance of standing on principle:

     In the Spectator recently, my old friend Toby Young described a dilemma which all those of us right-wing persuasion must face up to in the end: should you soften your position in order to find some common ground with people whose stupid political ideology you loathe and despise? Or should you stay true to your principles and risk being marginalised as, at best, unreasonable and, at worst, as a fruitcake, a crank, a dangerous extremist?

     Young was talking in particular about his battles with the hard-left educationalists who were trying to sabotage free schools like the one he helped set up in West London. Some parents urged him to take a more emollient line with his attackers. And for a moment Young was tempted:

     “Shouldn’t I offer to meet with the school’s opponents, such as the shop steward of the Ealing branch of the NUT [National Union of Teachers], and see if there were any concessions we could make that might secure their support?”

     If you’re cursed with a memory like mine, and if the title of this piece has piqued it, you might remember that article. If not, please read (or reread) it. It was unusually pungent and clear-sighted, especially for Delingpole. I’ll wait here until you’ve finished.

     What, so soon? My, my. Well, I’m sure any Gentle Reader of Liberty’s Torch would get the idea swiftly, so I’m not all that surprised. I’ve been in the habit of expressing the core idea this way:

If you pour a cup of wine into a barrel of sewage, it remains a barrel of sewage.
If you pour a cup of sewage into a barrel of wine, it becomes a barrel of sewage.

     Filth can contaminate purity. Purity cannot contaminate filth.

     Take a moment to consider that before we proceed.


     It’s in the nature of things that people seek to do better tomorrow than today. They look for opportunities to “move up.” This is especially the case when “moving up” involves in increase in one’s income and prestige, or an improvement in the conditions that conduce to high income and high prestige. For a writer, the critical consideration is audience: “Who is reading me, how numerous are they, and how much influence do they have on others who might be persuaded to read me as well?”

     So when writer X, currently laboring for peanuts at periodical publication Y, receives a solicitation from richer and more prestigious periodical publication Z, he’s likely to be strongly tempted. Few writers for periodicals make a lot of money. Thus, they tend to be easily seduced by such an offer. This is especially the case among op-ed writers for “think” magazines. Apparently something like that happened to Kevin Williamson, formerly of National Review Online and now formerly of The Atlantic.

     In case you don’t already know, the gig didn’t last. Williamson’s past “caught up with him,” in particular his rather strident views about abortion and the legal penalties he’d like to see visited upon unhappy mothers-to-be who have recourse to it. A number of his (former) colleagues at NRO and other conservative “think” periodicals are agog over his summary firing by The Atlantic.

     As is so often the case, Ace has the best take on it. The whole thing is worth your time, but here’s my favorite bit:

     Sacred Principles are, definitionally, Sacred.

     Inviolable.

     But now comes another company, The Atlantic, and it fires one of their Cocktail Circuit buddies, and suddenly not only is it okay to furiously wail about a corporate decision to squelch someone's free speech, but it is in fact now a Sacred Principle that we do so.

     Huh? How did that happen?

     How did pressuring and criticizing a corporation for its cavalier attitude towards the spirit of free speech (and yes, idiots, i know the First Amendment only applies to government action, which is why I'm referring to free speech generally) go from "thuggish" to "absolutely necessary"?

     Was it just that a buddy of the Corporate Cons got hit by leftist pressure tactics and corporate cowardice this time?

     Is that it all it takes to render a Sacred Principle non-operational? One of your Twitter Palz gets dinged?

     Or did you just get alarmed that rather than a company firing some Deplorable -- someone you don't know and wouldn't shake hands with if you could avoid doing so -- now you and your class was potentially at risk from corporations acting as catspaws for the left?

     Is that all it takes to rubbish your Sacred Principles?

     Are they really Sacred, then?

     That’s the meat of the matter, as far as the protests from the Right go. But I wouldn’t have decided to address this tempest in a teapot were it not for a much larger question, one that bears upon the Right’s approach to the institutions from which its ideological adversaries launch their salvoes.

     Purity cannot contaminate filth.


     There are several well-known media outlets that employ a great many left-liberal / “progressive” / social-fascist op-ed writers and one lonely kinda-sorta “conservative.” Perhaps the best known is the New York Times, which has followed that pattern since 1946, when Henry Hazlitt retired as its economics columnist. It is noteworthy that those token “conservatives” trend further to the left than any op-ed writer for a predominantly conservative outlet. Among their other signal characteristics, they frequently deride (usually gently) their more conservative colleagues and those colleagues’ views.

     It’s possible that leaning leftward and twitting their rightward colleagues are conditions of employment. At any rate, it wouldn’t surprise me. Why would a hard-left staff like that of the Times tolerate an unabashed, strongly principled conservative or libertarian among its ranks? He might corrupt the others! At best, he’d “lower the tone” in the op-ed boiler room.

     So when a leftist rag like The Atlantic solicits the interest of a Kevin Williamson, it’s more than likely that it will place limits on what he may say and how he may say it as a condition of employment. And indeed, Williamson’s first efforts for that publication were quite a distance from what his NRO audience would expect from him. Not that that was enough to save his gig when his previously emitted opinions about the criminality of abortion were discovered.

     Seriously, could anyone familiar with The Atlantic’s op-ed positions, tone, and readership have reasonably expected anything else? Could Williamson have expected anything else? Attempts by the Right to counter-infiltrate Leftist institutions always work out the same way: the infiltrator is hauled up and hanged with a maximum of fanfare. Kevin Williamson was no exception, nor should he have expected to be one.

     Leftist institutions such as The Atlantic are the ideological supreme commands of the enemy. They respect only power. They formulate and emit the General Orders to which the second and third-tier activists of the Left subsequently conform. When they seduce a conservative into their ranks, it’s with the intention of corrupting him, not debating or learning from him. We’ve known that for a long time. Since before the Journolist scandal, at any rate.

     Purity cannot contaminate filth.


     Not long ago, I wrote that thoroughly Left-corrupted institutions such as the government-run schools must be destroyed. They cannot be “saved;” their inherent dynamics are too powerful to reverse. I was serious then and I still am today. The Williamson / Atlantic foofaurauw provides a nice example.

     But this is equally a lesson for conservatives who, charmed by a solicitation from such an institution, hope to counter-infiltrate it and “turn it around.” You’re cruisin’ for a bruisin’, friends. You’ll come away scarred, embittered, and much the worse for wear. Those who run such a snake pit are far more likely to corrupt you.

     Purity cannot contaminate filth.

Tuesday, February 6, 2018

Behind The Myths

     The memory of an aged man can be a valuable resource, if properly exploited. But there are memories a large number of persons are determined to suppress, if not destroy – and they’re serious about it.

     Now that the FBI has been tainted by its actions before and after the momentous November 2016 election, it’s time to inquire into just how that institution descended to such a low estate. Weren’t we told that the FBI is an indispensable instrument of justice? Weren’t we told that its administrators recruit only agents that are morally and ethically stainless? Weren’t we told that its “Fidelity, Bravery, Integrity” motto is a reliable guide to its actions? How did it get from there to here?

     Oh yes, we were told all that. By Efrem Zimbalist, Junior and a host of other entertainers. But that didn’t make it so. It clearly wasn’t so as early as Ruby Ridge and Waco. But those who noticed were largely either shouted down or ignored.


     The creation of an institution that requires public support is often accompanied by the labors of a cadre of mythmakers: persons charged with creating the popular perceptions and beliefs required to elicit that support. The FBI, America’s first national police force, was a case of that sort.

     The assassination of President William McKinley by Leon Czolgosz, who espoused anarchism, was the seminal act. President Theodore Roosevelt, a typical “strong” (i.e., dictatorial) leader, was personally offended by the idea that anyone should regard anarchism as preferable to him. He oversaw the creation of the FBI’s institutional predecessor, the Bureau of Investigation, in 1908. The need to monitor American anarchists and combat “white slave” traffickers was the rationale.

     Congress, responding to public fears of a secret police accountable only to the executive branch of the federal government, tried to stop it. Roosevelt and his Attorney-General Charles Bonaparte ignored the legislature, presenting the BOI to the nation as a fait accompli. The Bureau passed though several other names before being named the Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1935.

     Ironically, were it not for Prohibition, the FBI might have faded away. American anarchism was never the problem Roosevelt made it out to be, nor were violations of the Mann Act as commonplace as the public perception. However, the federal War on Booze provided the Bureau with plenty of work. That work would be taken from it with the ratification of the Twenty-First Amendment, but by then the Bureau had found other tasks with which to occupy its agents.

     The FBI was widely regarded as a Constitutionally dubious creation before World War II. With the rise of international espionage, it seized upon the counterintelligence mission as a rationale for expansion...including the expansion of its powers to pry into the private deeds and communications of Americans.

     Let there be no doubt that the FBI apprehended many spies during the war years. That was probably the best work its agents ever did. Indeed, several historians of the period rated it as the most formidable counterintelligence agency in the world. (Cf. Ladislas Farago, The Game of the Foxes.) But the Bureau itself didn’t find general favor with the public until after the war, with the rise of the Cold War, the arms race, and the mass media.


     To be accepted by the public as a positive force, an institution with police powers requires several things:

  1. Public belief that an evil exists that existing institutions cannot combat;
  2. A credible portrayal of the institution as an effective countermeasure to that evil;
  3. Assurances that the new institution will pose no danger to the rights of private citizens.

     While the origin of the FBI as a necessary countermeasure to anarchism and “white slavery” never gained popular credence, other evils, including the rise of international espionage, won Americans over, albeit slowly and grudgingly. The Bureau’s successes at apprehending spies, kidnappers, and other felons who would flee across state lines to evade state authorities were heavily promoted. Television shows such as The F.B.I. and The Untouchables portrayed the Bureau’s agents as persons of impeccable integrity, virtually gun-toting saints. Events that might not conduce to a reputation for incorruptibility were downplayed or hushed up.

     Whatever seedier doings might have been going on behind the veneer, the FBI was being transformed by an Iron Law of Institutions familiar to anyone with a knowledge of Public Choice theory: Over time, those within an institution whose highest priority is the well-being of the institution and the maintenance of its prerogatives will contrive to rise above and filter out persons not so inclined. Today, in the 110th year of the FBI’s existence, such persons completely dominate the Bureau. They cannot be expected to say or do anything that would rebound to the Bureau’s detriment.

     The evidence suggests that there is a need for a federal counterintelligence organ, though as with all questions of public policy persons can surely be found to argue in the negative. As for other “interstate” crimes such as kidnapping, there are several substantive arguments to be made both for and against a federal police force. Whatever the verdicts on those questions, that the FBI has been permitted too much latitude to invade the rights and prerogatives of Americans seems incontestable. Consider in this connection that should an FBI agent charge a private citizen with “lying to the FBI,” a felony crime of unique nature, the burden of proof lies on the accused. This is an egregious departure from American criminal justice principles.

     This institution needs to be gutted – torn all the way down to its foundation. If it is to be rebuilt, additional safeguards for the rights of private citizens must be erected as well. Yet even the strongest imaginable protections would only delay the process of deterioration. No canonization campaign for popular consumption can nullify that dynamic.

Wednesday, February 15, 2017

Revenant Conservatism

     The Kristols, Irving and Bill, have been associated with conservative thought and policies for decades. Irving Kristol was among the first “neo-conservatives,” and an important contributor to Commentary and similar publications. His son Bill edits The Weekly Standard and frequently appears as a representative of institutional conservatism on various radio and television shows.

     Neither Kristol displays much affection for the constitutional and classical-liberal ideas that largely define conservatism today. (We can, of course, forgive Irving for that, as he passed on in 2008.) Bill Kristol recently made his preferences explicit:

     Obviously strongly prefer normal democratic and constitutional politics. But if it comes to it, prefer the deep state to the Trump state.

     How a man can advocate constitutional politics yet prefer the “deep state” to the closest constitutional politics has come in decades, I cannot imagine...unless it’s because Kristol’s meaning for the word conservative is reverting to its origins.


     Conservative shares its root with conserve:

Conserve \Con*serve"\, v. t. [imp. & p. p. Conserved; p. pr. & vb. n. Conserving.] [F. conserver, L. conservare; con- + servare to keep, guard. See Serve.]
     1. To keep in a safe or sound state; to save; to preserve; to protect. [1913 Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary]

     The original conservative politics was, quite simply, resistance to change. A high school American History teacher of mine was vehement about it: “The conservative wishes to conserve,” he proclaimed upon many occasions. He stubbornly opposed political or social changes of any sort. If change is to be entertained at all, he would say, let it be in small increments...and the smaller, the better.

     It should give my Gentle Readers a full sense of that teacher’s conservatism to note that he held Thomas Jefferson to be a wild-eyed anarchist whose libertarian ideals were inherently unworkable. He did what he could to inculcate that belief in his students.

     This appears to be the direction in which institutional conservatism is headed. Institutions, of course, are inherently opposed to large changes. The prospect of significant alterations in the Way Things Are threatens to destabilize the assumptions, customs, and practices on which an institution is based. Thus it is no great leap of the imagination to suspect that the institutional conservative would prefer The Way Things Are to go unperturbed even if they’re obstructive, costly, or unjust. He’s “done a corner in them.”

     Bill Kristol is a good representative of that mindset.


     The institutional conservatism of the Kristols is inimical to insurgent conservatism: those of constitutionalist or classical-liberal bent who call for limited government, the demise of the Deep State, and a strict conformity to Constitutional prescriptions and proscriptions in our laws and political processes. Insurgent conservatism had a pretty good run during the 80s and 90s. Reagan was its standard-bearer. It largely succeeded in checking the Clinton Administration’s more grandiose schemes. The Bushes largely disappointed it, and of course Barack Hussein Obama horrified it.

     What insurgent conservatives did not expect was that the institutionals would league with the Big Government Left to oppose us. But then, we hardly stopped to ponder the nature of the institutional mindset, and institutionals have always “talked a good game.”

     The institutionals view Donald Trump as an interloper who threatens to bring down the legal and political edifices in which they shelter. There are several facets to this. The most important of them is institutionals’ comfort with the Deep State: the bureaucracies and mechanisms that dominate contemporary American life. The Deep State provides the stability institutionals cherish while simultaneously giving them a rhetorical punching bag...not that they ever hit it too powerfully. That the Deep State is inherently unfriendly to individual freedom, limited government, and economic growth is of far less importance than that stability to the institutions that have accommodated themselves to it.

     Immediately after that comes the nature of the institutionals’ enterprise. They live to provide rhetorical opposition to the Big Government Left. It’s their livelihood. Their magazines, policy studies, and the rest might rail against the Deep State, but were it to vanish, the institutionals would be out of work. It would compel them to change trades. The Trump Insurgency, with its exuberant populist-oriented conservatism, is a direct threat to their rice bowls.

     Third and last for today, there are personal networks linking the institutionals to their supposed adversaries in the American political elite. They tend not to speak of them, and strain to change the subject when those linkages are hauled into view. “Our sort” includes both institutional conservatives and the farthest-left of the Left. An elite is an institution in its own right: divergences among its members’ rhetoric seldom impede the desire to “get along” and remain in good odor with “the boys,” whether it’s for profit or ongoing inclusion.


     People are generally resistant to change. As Arthur Herzog has written, “Change is hard, and difficulty makes people impatient.” Yet America has given birth to a large-scale movement that demands changes of a particular sort. Its standard-bearer is a man of untamed tongue who’s accustomed to getting things done, on time and within budget at that, and he’s begun in admirable style. The institutions – Left and Right – feel the tremors in their floorboards. It’s more important to them to quiet those tremors than to achieve any legal or political ideal either has ever proposed in pixels or print.

     The revenant conservatism of the institutionals, that regards The Way Things Are as The Way Things Ought To Be In Perpetuity, is no friend of change. Neither can we expect it to embrace the changes the Trump Administration has ignited, unless in an attempt to co-opt and nullify the forces that propel them.

Saturday, August 6, 2016

Munications

     Do you municate? That is, do you shout your opinions, theses, and conclusions into the world but do your damnedest not to hear divergent views?

     A lot of people are like that, you know. It’s at the core of the “safe spaces” and “microaggressions” nonsense. Eric Hoffer would diagnose it without hesitation.

     I had a coworker, some years ago, who was full of political opinions he’s bestow upon you free of charge – indeed, whether you’d asked for them or not. But you differed with him at your peril. He’d reflexively label anyone who might disagree with him as a “fascist” at the top of his voice. In consequence, sensible persons who saw him coming would swiftly find somewhere else to be. He was the sort of municator I have in mind.

     It’s bad enough when individuals do it, but ultimately that sort of munication reduces to mere noise. It’s usually not difficult to shut it out, or at least walk away from it. It’s much worse when institutions do it. Some intriguing thoughts on the subject:

     We are saturated with media. Young people have no frame of reference so they just assume it has always been thus, but our modern mass media culture is one of those rare things that is truly new. It really was not so long ago when it was easy to be entirely uninformed about the world. It took great effort to be well informed. That’s not to say we are all worldly cosmopolitans, but the world is literally at our fingertips. More important, media is everywhere and it hard to escape it.

     This newness means that the people in charge have struggled to put it to their uses. Buying off a few newspaper publishers was easy. Controlling the three TV networks required hardly any effort at all. A free wheeling mass media with millions of bloggers, podcasters and small outlets is a different task. Rounding up the farm’s bull is a hard job, but rounding up all the barn cats is actually much tougher. The former can get you killed, but the latter has a maddening number of variables.

     When the masses started to get on-line, the “media experts” said it was ushering in an era of wonderfulness because the people would now have a say. The news would be interactive! It was not that long ago when every Progressive commentator went on and on about the wonderfulness of interactive media. I used to laugh at it as I was on-line long before the media airheads had heard of the internet. I knew those hothouse flowers would not last very long in the rough and tumble world of the internet, but like missionaries headed off to the jungle, they were sure it was going to be great

     I was thinking about that yesterday when National Review announced they had been taken over by Facebook. Like a lot of these sites, they learned the hard way that their audience was not going to just nod along and clap when instructed. Instead, they posted articles and the comments filled up with ridicule and criticism. That led to lots of comments from NR writers about the awfulness of the comment threads. Now that millennial pansies are in charge, they have turned it over to Facebook to police their comments.

     Read the whole thing. It’s worth your time.

     “Interactive media” that suppress the expression of divergent or dissenting views aren’t attempting to foster communications or build new levels of comprehension of difficult issues. They’re trying to replicate the hegemony of the three national networks prior to the rise of talk radio and cable television. Back then, CBS, NBC, and ABC would decide on The Official Line and broadcast it to Us the Unwashed without any trace of dissent. We could accept it or turn off the television.

     When blogging arose, complete with the ability of readers to insert comments on what they’d read, I thought a breakthrough was imminent. Individuals would at least have the ability to argue with one another from a safe distance. Ideas would be tested as thoroughly as possible. We’d have a chance of assembling the insights and experiences of millions into new edifices of knowledge – a chance the munications of the previously dominant mass media had denied us.

     The ascendancy of dominant institutions on the World Wide Web – Facebook, Google, Huffington Post, National Review, and other major aggregators of news and opinion – has produced a state of affairs in which individuals’ conveyances of facts and expressions of opinion can again be filtered and tamed – i.e., communications can be displaced by munications while maintaining a pretense of genuine intercourse. While the managers of those institutions don’t agree on everything, they do share a common attitude: We know best. Sit down, shut up, and listen.

     To allow one’s worldview to be shaped by an institution that methodically suppresses dissent from its preferences is to surrender all claim to an individual perspective or opinion. Yet such institutions are gradually winning a stranglehold over the Web. Small voices such as the few genuine bloggers that remain are the sole alternative. However, we’re dwindling in number. Many of the originals have ceased to write. Few with true courage of convictions have stepped forward to replace them.

     I’ve long held that “opinions are like assholes; everyone’s gotta have one.” I certainly have my own set, and I’m not shy about expressing them. But I also maintain that until your opinions are so solidly backed up by real-world evidence that there’s no significant possibility of error, you must be willing to listen to those who disagree politely. The price of not being willing to listen is high. First, you forget how to argue for your positions. Second, you insulate yourself from evidence that might persuade you to alter your stance. Third, in the worst case you’ll become a “true believer:” a worshipper in “a compact and unified church” that will have its own agenda – an agenda that’s unlikely to care much about you or yours.

     Municative institutions are such churches. It’s best to stay away from them. Any representation they make about valuing your opinion is for public-relations purposes only. They don’t want dissenters; they want disciples aflame with the faith who’ll defend it against heresy, no matter from what source.

     Food for thought.

Monday, September 28, 2015

Growth, Change, And Death

     Perhaps it’s for the best that the political news has been so stagnant lately, and not just because “no news is good news.” It also leaves me free to address other matters, including some to which I once devoted a much greater share of my thinking and writing.


     After reflecting on this story, Tom Kratman wrote as follows:

     Plausible. Idiots or traitors; Holy Mother Church lives because she changes so little. They will murder it.

     ...and as sometimes happens when his face has been slammed full-tilt into a bedrock truth of reality, a little light went on in Your Curmudgeon’s skull.

     If you’ve read John Wyndham’s classic dystopic novel Re-Birth, you might be familiar with the following passage:

     “Your work is to survive. Neither his kind, nor his kind of thinking will survive long. They are the crown of creation, they are ambition fulfilled – they have nowhere more to go. But life is change, that is how it differs from the rocks, change is its very nature. Who, then, were the recent lords of creation, that they should expect to remain unchanged? ‘The living form defies evolution at its peril; if it does not adapt, it will be broken. The idea of completed man is the supreme vanity: the finished image is a sacrilegious myth.”

     It’s a perspective many would endorse without reflection. Many would say it’s beyond refutation. But it’s incomplete.

     Individual living organisms do appear to adhere to the law that “the cessation of change is the beginning of death.” Certainly we would resist ascribing the characteristic alive to something that never changes: i.e., that sits eternally in one place and in one position, consumes nothing, produces nothing, and exhibits no dynamism whatsoever. But what seems an ironclad law when applied to individuals appears flawed when we examine the peculiar kind of colony organism we call an institution.

     Institutions are assembled to focus on an agenda: a list of goals to be pursued. In a sense that transcends all matters of place, time, and personnel, the institution is the agenda and the agenda is the institution. The institution came into existence entirely because of the agenda; were the latter never to have formed, neither would the former.

     A particularly illuminating case of this can be found in the March of Dimes. The original March of Dimes was formed ostensibly to raise funds for the pursuit of a remedy for poliomyelitis. When the polio vaccine was perfected, the March of Dimes’ executives saw death approaching. So they rechartered: they changed their overt agenda from combating polio to combating birth defects. The executives kept their jobs, as did most of the lower-level employees, and the fundraising continued uninterrupted.

     Reflect on that for a moment. Let’s stipulate for the purpose of argument that the March of Dimes was sincerely focused on fighting polio. The victory over polio was stunningly complete; therefore, the mission had been accomplished and the March of Dimes could end. But it didn’t. It adopted a new nominal agenda so that those whose livelihoods depended on it wouldn’t have to seek other work. Therefore, if the original agenda was sincere, the institution that had called itself the March of Dimes was no more. In its place was an identically named institution, largely populated by the same workers in the same places, whose real agenda is the perpetuation of their jobs.

     Not every institutional death is announced via a corporate dissolution or notice of bankruptcy.


     The Catholic Church came into existence to conserve and propagate the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth, the Christ, the Son of God, and the Redeemer of Mankind. That is the whole of its justification for existence. Should it cease to serve that end, it will no longer be the Church Christ Himself founded; it will have died. Perhaps something else will animate its corpse, seeing in it a useful vessel with which to pursue some other agenda.

     The institution is the agenda and the agenda is the institution. Tom’s observation that the survival of the Church requires that it change very little, and very slowly, is on all fours with this principle. Change in an institution’s agenda must remain wholly, organically consistent with the original agenda. Only a vague (and therefore of dubious sincerity) agenda permits large, swift changes without killing the institution that pursues it.

     From the original Rod Dreher article:

     These men — [Cardinals] Danneels, Van Luyn, Kasper, Lehman, and Hume, at least — all preside over dying churches.

     It is frequently observable that the bitter and resentful cannot abide the health or happiness of others. Though it would do them no good at all, they strive, entirely out of envy (“Hatred of the good for being good” – Joseph Sobran), to drag those others down into destruction with them. And so, it appears, do the European prelates tabulated above.

     A war is in progress. The survival of the Church – the real Church, not the “stained-glass staging area for the crusades of special interest groups” – is visibly at stake. And every sincere Christian on Earth is a soldier on the front lines.

Monday, October 20, 2014

Awakenings

Is everyone properly terrified yet? We all know the reasons to fear everything but our own shadows, don't we? So no excuse remains for trusting that all will be well.

But there's still a lot of mindless, heedless trust out there, Sarah Hoyt's essay on the subject notwithstanding. More, it's the worst kind of trust: confidence in the benevolence and competence of institutions, including governments.

Why anyone would ever trust an institution, be it a private corporation or a government, I cannot imagine. Yet the phenomenon is appallingly widespread, even in these days when governments appear determined to prove that they cannot and should not be trusted.

What's that you say? You think an exception should be made for eleemosynary organizations such as the Red Cross and the United Way? Bubba, are you ever in for a shock. The annual balance sheets of such institutions are matters of public record. Take a close look at a few of them. Tell me afterward if you still feel the same.

Trusting an individual can be hard, given what each man knows about his own fallibility and corruptibility. Trusting an institution -- a faceless, bodiless construct which, in the usual case, was created specifically to shield its members against personal responsibility for what "the institution" does -- is insane.

Yet trust is the sine qua non of a decent, functional society. We literally can't conduct the least of our affairs without it. But to extend it foolishly turns it into a blade we hold to our own throats.


Regular Gentle Readers of Liberty's Torch have seen this quote before:

There is no need in human life so great as that men should trust one another and should trust their government, should believe in promises, and should keep promises in order that future promises may be believed in and in order that confident cooperation may be possible. Good faith -- personal, national, and international -- is the first prerequisite of decent living, of the steady going on of industry, of governmental financial strength, and of international peace. -- Benjamin M. Anderson, Economics and the Public Welfare: A Financial and Economic History of the United States, 1914 -- 1946

I have no doubt that Dr. Anderson was a thoroughly decent man, at least as ethical as any other individual of his time. More, the above statement from his landmark economic history of the Nightmare Years contains much truth. Where it falls short is in its absolutism.

Isabel Paterson noted in The God of the Machine that "A corporation has neither a soul to be damned nor a body to be kicked." It is immune to the consequences of its misdeeds, with the sole exception of financial consequences. As true as this is of any private organization, it has much more force when applied to a government: a body invested with coercive powers and pre-indemnified for their use. The consequences of governmental wrongdoing fall solely on those it wrongs. Even when one of its agents commits an outright murder, he nearly always escapes all penalties for it. When one of its agencies runs totally amok, the inevitable sequel is a cover-up, sometimes effective, sometimes not.

But a hefty fraction of Americans still trust "their" government, most of the time. The reasons are various.

In part, that trust arises from the acquaintance so many of us have with individuals who work for a government. Governments employ about twenty percent of the American workforce, which makes such acquaintanceships commonplace. As the overwhelming majority of Americans, including government employees, are decent, ethical persons, at least when not tempted beyond their strength, there's a tendency to transfer the trust we extend to them to the government agencies that pay their salaries.

Another component of it stems from the general admiration for our superb military, the one and only arm of the federal government that actually seems to work as designed, and efficiently at that. There's a certain irony in this, as the purpose of an armed force is to impose the decisions of one government upon another. Yet the American tradition of the "citizen soldier," who brings the ethics he learned at his mother's knee to the barracks, thence to the training ground, and thence to the battlefield, has resulted in the most ethical warmaking power in human history: a force that kills and destroys only as absolutely necessary to accomplish its objectives. If there were a possibility of holding all of government to that standard, perhaps trusting it wouldn't be quite so irrational.

Finally for this tirade, as Sarah notes in her essay, in certain matters many feel they have no choice but to trust government:

Things for which we used to trust the government, if not exactly to at least be in the right ballpark: Unemployment, inflation, the state of the economy, the state of the population, disease statistics, warnings about what was safe and unsafe (yes, sometimes we got the alar scare, but the truth is, it usually erred on the side of too much caution), the state of the world, the state of our enemies’ forces, the state of our forces.

There are more things I’m not calling to mind now, a myriad points that informed us that civilization was in fact still working, that statistics were still being gathered, and that we could – through them – know the state of the world that we couldn’t verify on our own.

This is not – ah – to say that we, we particularly who tend to hang out in this blog, believe in these things in whole or even implicitly. No, but we did believe in them more or less, and kind of. We would say things like “Of course, the census overestimates the uncounted in the big cities, but—” or “They’re having a panic fit over the disinfectant in smokeless cigarettes, ignore that.”

However, for the big things, important things, we trusted government. You know, weather alerts, forewarning the economy was about to take a dive, election results, that sort of “big thing.”

Yet the extension of trust over those matters is waning as well...as it should.


I have a large collection of lapel buttons with clever sayings on them. Time was, I would hardly leave the house without choosing one that seemed appropriate for the day. One of my favorites in the batch says:

You Trust Your Mother,
But You Cut The Cards

Indeed. Always cut the cards. It's an essential element in "the game," regardless of the specifics of the playing field or the rules. It doesn't matter that the dealer is your mother, you cut the cards anyway. It's not just for your peace of mind, but for hers as well.

When "the dealer" is government, "cutting the cards" can be a matter of life and death.

On a handful of subjects, mainly pertaining to war and international relations, there's no way to "cut the cards." But on nearly everything else, alternatives are rapidly multiplying:

  • Private security companies will protect life and property, rather than arriving after they've been violated.
  • Water and electric power are things most of us can get from a variety of vendors, or can provide to ourselves.
  • Local trade is ever more frequently conducted via barter, or with precious metals as the medium of exchange.
  • There are alternative sources of information about everything demographic or economic.
  • There's always an alternative to "public transportation."

Even should you choose to use the government alternative in any of those venues, you should keep the existence of the others in mind -- and you should keep in touch with those who use the others, so the government can't bamboozle you about its "superiority." That approach to "cutting the cards" is far more important than regularly reading several news sources, which, happily, is now the habit of the typical American news consumer.

The general awakening to the untrustworthiness of governments, politicians, and bureaucrats must be followed by a widespread shift toward nongovernmental alternatives in as many walks of life as possible. Now that voting can no longer effect a significant change in the direction of our deterioration, there is no better way to keep necessary trust -- trust in deserving individuals and in the soundness of our communities -- healthy and growing.

It's already begun.
Make yourself part of it.
Create alternatives of your own.
Help to publicize ones not yet widely known.
It might be the most pro-social thing an American can do.

We can all pitch in. Those of us who have awakened, that is.

Thursday, May 15, 2014

The Supremacy Of Conscience

A somewhat odd title for a Liberty's Torch article, you say? Well, yes. But I write about what's uppermost in my thoughts, and that's what occupies the top spot today. Please bear with me as I develop some ideas you're less likely to see elsewhere in the DextroSphere.


There are few things of which any man, myself included, can be perfectly certain. Indeed, "perfectly" isn't the right word, but I could find no better one. Say rather that there are few things in which a man can afford to invest so much confidence that he needn't bother to search for counter-evidence of them.

One of those things is the conscience.

Even a wholly untutored individual -- raised by wolves? -- will possess a sense for right and wrong. That sense is trustworthy. Even when it proves impossible to articulate the conscience's decrees, if followed it will steer you down the correct path.

(Some claim that the conscience needs to be "formed" before it becomes trustworthy, but to me that sounds like a denial of the goodness of the God who made us. He doesn't make garbage -- and besides, who among us is qualified to do such "forming," and who "formed" him? A charming infinite regress, no? It sounds to me like an attempt to assert an authority that springs from nothing or close to it.)

We sometimes hear of persons who appear devoid of conscience, for whom the diagnostic term sociopath was coined. I've come to believe that the sociopath, too, has a conscience, but that he's succeeded in deafening himself internally to what his conscience is trying to tell him. After all, we ordinary types do it on occasion, so why should it be thought impossible that a "dedicated" sort might make such deafness permanent? It seems far more plausible than that a man might be born with no ability to perceive nature and its laws.

"Let your conscience be your guide" is one of the oldest of civilization's maxims. If taken literally, it leads to some interesting conclusions.


In analyzing any human institution, I start from a few simple premises:

  • Institutions are human artifacts.
  • Men build things to serve a purpose.
  • Therefore, every institution is intended to serve some purpose.
  • However, tightly bound to every purpose is a set of constraints:
    • What methods of achieving the purpose are permissible;
    • The maximum price, in whatever terms, that achieving the purpose is worth.
  • An institution that fails of its purpose, or exceeds the maximum price that purpose may command, should and must be corrected.
  • An institution that successfully resists correction may rightfully be destroyed.

...to which it seems only reasonable to me to add the following candidates:

Repeated failures to build an institution for a specific purpose suggest with increasing emphasis that no institution can do so at an acceptable cost.

And:

Persons who oppose some specific purpose will work to deflect, corrupt, or destroy whatever institutions serve it effectively.

These are metaphysical precepts. They precede and envelop all concrete applications of human imagination and artifice. If Man has a nature -- and you may rest assured that he does -- they cannot be wrong.

However, they can be ignored or dismissed...and they often are.


The institution of marriage developed to protect us from our weaknesses. The marital promise of fidelity and constancy is intended to protect vulnerable women and minor children from abandonment and abuse, and men from faithless exploitation and obligations they never agreed to accept. If marriage should fail to serve those purposes, or if the price should rise unacceptably high, marriage will cease to exist, de facto if not de jure.

I contend that marriage is expiring as we watch.

When marriage was regarded as an institution mediated and enforced by one's community, as is proper, it worked very well. It was very difficult for a faithless spouse to hide his transgressions from his neighbors -- and equally difficult to escape the penalties for them. Granted that I speak here of a time when one lived essentially one's whole life within the community of one's birth, but the principle has not expired. To serve its proper purposes, marriage must include the promise of fidelity and constancy, it must be enforced by those who are best positioned to know the married couple, and it must be free of external meddling by irresponsible busybodies, including governments.

Conversely, there's no point to marriage if it's severed from its purposes, which renders the cries for "marriage equality" -- i.e., same-sex marriage -- ridiculous in the extreme.

How high a price are we willing to pay to have marriage's purposes served? Plainly, there are limits. We're not willing to execute adulterers or women who deny sex to their husbands. Neither are we willing to sacrifice all familial privacy. (Admittedly, in medieval times those statements were questionable at best.) But we are willing to endure certain discomforts, including stoic tolerance of the frictions that have always arisen among faithfully married couples.

At least, we were willing, once upon a time.

Owing to the extraordinary hostility of various groups to marriage as it arose and was traditionally practiced, and the willingness of governments to stick their thumbs into the stew, marriage as an institution is near to extinction. Its promises are no longer enforceable. The potential penalties for failing at marriage are both asymmetric and draconian. Moreover, men have come to realize this. Women, including many women who've cheered the very developments against which men are rebelling, are lamenting the "marriage strike" that has resulted.

It was all foreseeable. It should have been foreseen. Some did foresee it, and many thereof spoke and wrote about it. But no one troubled to countervail it until the rot reached a terminal stage.

Natural Law 1, Wishful Thinking 0.


Because of this book, this book, and this book, and in a few cases because of this book as well, quite a number of readers have written to ask whether I believe that government is inherently evil. For a while I resisted those inquiries. They made it seem that there was something "off" about my thinking on political matters.

I eventually decided that what was "off" was my appreciation for the dynamics of political power and how they operate over time.

Yes, government is evil. There is no imaginable moral rationale under which some may assume the power of life and death over others. But government is also inevitable, at least from a certain perspective:

Any group ready, willing, and able to impose its will on an individual or other groups by force constitutes a government for the duration of those conditions.

Yes, you read that correctly. A lynch mob, if not effectively opposed by some other force, constitutes an ad hoc government. Moreover, no matter how large, how organized, nor how constituted, no government has any greater moral warrant than a lynch mob.

What a particular government does about a particular event at a particular time might well be universally approved. Indeed, it might well be right and necessary. But we could say the very same thing about a lynch mob that seizes upon a murderer and hangs him, at least if his commission of the murder was sufficiently far beyond doubt. The justice of the act reposes in the act and its enveloping context, not in who or what acts upon it.

The largest and bitterest of our modern totems, "democracy," is a con job, a public-relations attempt to blind us to the inescapable facts about governments: they are all corrupt. The occasions on which they administer genuine justice are minuscule in number compared to the occasions on which they inflict grievous injustices upon men -- and they strive to hide behind one of the oldest and most pernicious of all maxims: Vox populi, vox Dei. "The voice of the people is the voice of God."

"Vox populi, vox Dei" is bad law.
It's even worse as religion.
And it's terrible Latin.

Yet we persist in erecting governments, somehow persuading ourselves that we've learned all the necessary lessons from the failures of six thousand years of human history, saying to one another that "this time it will be different."

What was that Einstein quote about insanity again?


The oldest formal institution of all is the church. Not any particular church, but the concept of an organization formed to promote, and in some cases to enforce, the acceptance of a religious creed and its associated code of conduct. There have been many churches throughout human history, and all have shared certain characteristics:

  • The creed was formalized by a clergy that sprang from some isolated event and thereafter became self-perpetuating.
  • The clergy asserted authority over the creed and the code of conduct, which authority was eventually extended to encompass the privilege of modifying either or both.
  • Lay members of the church are encouraged to exalt the clergy above themselves, not merely as authorities but also as paragons worthy of emulation.

Let's pass over matters such as the plausibility of the creed, the ethical quality of the code of conduct, and whether the clergy continues to deserve the elevated respect it tends to receive from the church's lay members. The institution exists to serve a purpose, as do all institutions. What, then, becomes of a church that effectively abandons its purpose -- that is, a church that ceases to promulgate its creed and exhort its members to adhere to its code of conduct as those things were originally formulated?

A church that metamorphoses in that way might persist for a considerable time. But it has ceased to be the church that it was. It has become an institution of some other kind, perhaps one whose sole purpose is its own continuation. In the most terrible cases, a church that started with a wholesome creed and ethos becomes an instrument for the salving of guilty consciences, or worse, the forcible oppression of dissidents.

Is it imaginable that God, Who equipped each of us with a conscience, would approve?


I begin to feel that an apology might be appropriate here. These are frightening ideas to entertain, whose implications are awful to contemplate, and here I am ladling them out to my Gentle Readers in place of the usual semi-harmless political drivel for which Liberty's Torch is best known. All I can say in my defense is that they're on my mind, and I can't write about anything except what's uppermost in my thoughts.

Perhaps we should have a nice, anesthetic quote:

A blade which is designed both to shave and to carve, will certainly not shave so well as a razor or carve so well as a carving-knife. An academy of painting, which should also be a bank, would in all probability exhibit very bad pictures and discount very bad bills. A gas company, which should also be an infant-school society, would, we apprehend, light the streets ill and teach the children ill. -- Herbert Spencer, "Over-Legislation"

Many of the failures of Man's institutions do arise from "mission creep," as Spencer pointed out in the above. But mission creep isn't a primary consideration in institutional design; it's a consequence of the desire for power and prestige that inheres in those who rise to authority within institutions. It can be thwarted from within, though it seldom is, or from without, by disaffiliation and destruction.

When institutions go bad, the ultimate blame lies with those who saw the rot first take hold but ignored their consciences' commands to do something to thwart it. For conscience is supreme. It trumps the dictates of law, the decrees of tradition, and the currents of fashion, always and everywhere.

Yet the great majority of Man's institutions, in this year of Our Lord 2014, are either wholly and irredeemably corrupt or failing before our eyes. And the great majority of us are sitting quite still, content to watch from the sidelines as our political, social, and moral decay marches on. Believing against all good sense that we might yet be spared the consequences. Stubbornly resistant to the dictates of our consciences, perhaps in the hope that they will cease once and for to torment us.

What purpose do we serve in sitting so still, Gentle Reader?

Forgive me.

Sunday, October 13, 2013

Quickies: Peacemakers

Among the least comprehensible practices of awards committees, from the highest to the lowest, is the habit of “peace” groups of giving their awards to persons who openly and actively foment conflict. The most egregious example is, of course, the Nobel Peace Prize, which goes to activists for massively divisive causes so regularly as to suspect that the name of the thing is an intentional sarcasm.

Today our own beloved InstaPundit accidentally lands in that very trap:

WELL, THEY’RE GIVING OUT NOBEL PEACE PRIZES TO JUST ANYBODY THESE DAYS: Nobel Peace Prize Again Goes To Group That Has Done … What, Exactly? “As these unworthies collect their laurels, authentic peacemakers — such as 16-year-old Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan, who was shot in the face by Taliban terrorists solely for urging girls to go to school — go ignored.”

Really, now, Professor! Two for the price of one. Granted that the awardees are fomenters of conflict of no uncertain kind, Miss Yousafzai has promoted a practice that’s at the very heart of conflict in the Islamic world: rights for women and girl children. She’s not wrong to do so, of course – indeed, she’s shown more courage and moral insight than the rest of her country taken together -- but is her crusade really about promoting peace?

The English language is looking a bit battered, these days.

Tuesday, June 25, 2013

Guarding The Guardsmen

Let's have something out in front of us before we begin: Barack Hussein Obama is an aspiring tyrant, and the Executive Branch has followed his lead. Given the behavior of the IRS, the NSA, the EPA, the DOJ, the BATF, and quite a few other alphabetic combinations, this strikes me as irrefutable. Throw in the Obamunists' relentless demonization of anyone who dares to criticize his regime, and it takes an idiot -- or a willful liar -- to imagine otherwise.

But it's a truism of government, at least up to this point in history, that whether formally invoked or not, every government must have the implicit consent of the governed to remain in power. That consent must remain in place between elections, or the government will fail of its objectives regardless of legislative or executive exertions. How to keep it in place has been a study of would-be tyrants throughout Man's history.

In these United States, one of the most important factories of implicit consent -- it would not be amiss to translate that as "submission" -- is the "Fourth Estate," a.k.a. the Main Stream Media.

We've seen the extent to which the media are willing to go to protect The Won. That was to be expected; after all, he's their creation. They've concealed important facts, misdirected the public's attention, and framed critical stories in an openly tendentious manner. What's been done on editorial pages is still worse, but they're recognized as fora for opinion. But as the damage from Obama's policies has mounted, a few brave journalists have dared to break free of the prevailing lockstep support of the regime, at least on one or two topics of interest.

The outrage stimulated by the wiretapping of James Rosen and a gaggle of Associated Press reporters has taught the regime that direct action against "dissident" journalists is as likely to work against it as for it. But the Fourth Estate is critical to Obama's prospects for an attractive "legacy," to say nothing of his quest for total power. So a disciplinary mechanism by which to lasso the wanderers and drag them back onto the left-liberal plantation is required.

And indeed, one has emerged:

On Sunday’s "Meet the Press," NBC News host David Gregory conducted an informative and provocative interview with Glenn Greenwald, the Guardian journalist who has broken much of the recent material on National Security Agency (NSA) surveillance. Gregory pushed Greenwald for details on where his source, former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, was headed; on secrecy and accountability; on whether Snowden had broken the law. And, finally, on whether Greenwald himself had broken the law:
GREGORY: Final question for you…. To the extent that you have aided and abetted Snowden, even in his current movements, why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?

The media has taken to policing itself. No, not for failures of objectivity or accuracy, or for some sort of lapse in "journalistic ethics," but for daring to assist a designated enemy of the regime in any way.

Greenwald, to his credit, replied with a blistering return of service:

GREENWALD: I think it's pretty extraordinary that anybody who would call themselves a journalist would publicly muse about whether or not other journalists should be charged with felonies. The assumption in your question, David, is completely without evidence, the idea that I've aided and abetted him in any way. The scandal that arose in Washington before our stories began was about the fact that the Obama administration is trying to criminalize investigative journalism by going through the e-mails and phone records of AP reporters, accusing a Fox News journalist of the theory that you just embraced, being a co-conspirator in felonies, for working with sources.

If you want to embrace that theory, it means that every investigative journalist in the United States who works with their sources, who receives classified information, is a criminal. And it's precisely those theories and precisely that climate that has become so menacing in the United States. It's why The New Yorker's Jane Mayer said, "Investigative reporting has come to a standstill," her word, as a result of the theories that you just referenced.

Later on, Greenwald emitted a pithy tweet:

Who needs the government to try to criminalize journalism when you have David Gregory to do it?

And in a later exchange directly with Erik Wemple of the Washington Post, Greenwald expanded most piercingly:

Some of what is driving this hostility from some media figures is personal bitterness. Some of it is resentment over my having been able to break these big stories not despite, but because of, my deliberate breaching of the conventions that rule their world.

But most of it is what I have long criticized them for most: they are far more servants to political power than adversarial watchdogs over it, and what provokes their rage most is not corruption on the part of those in power (they don’t care about that) but rather those who expose that corruption, especially when the ones bringing transparency are outside of, even hostile to, their incestuous media circles.

They’re just courtiers doing what courtiers have always done: defending the royal court and attacking anyone who challenges or dissents from it. That’s how they maintain their status and access within it. That’s what courtiers to power, by definition, do.

So yes, some establishment journalists have been hostile to our reporting, usually by ignoring the substance in favor of personalized attacks (is Snowden a narcissist? Am I engaged in “advocacy journalism”?). But truly: if I weren’t upsetting the David Gregorys and Andrew Ross Sorkins of the world, I’d be very alarmed, as it would be proof that I wasn’t engaging in meaningful adversarial journalism against their political and financial masters.

The incident, however it may run from here, speaks of a perception of urgency among the Obama regime's media backers. Greenwald has dared to remain undistracted by the Administration's attempt to demonize Snowden and has focused instead on the substance of his revelations. Therefore, Greenwald is off the reservation and must be either hauled back or delegitimized. Accusations of criminal conduct, unsupported by theory or evidence, have served that purpose in the past.

It will be fascinating to watch as other major media figures and institutions decide where they stand on the Snowden disclosures. Some will probably do as Gregory tried to do. Some, more aware of the threat to their occupation and the evanescence of political favor, will stand with those colleagues who focus on the revelations of NSA's pervasive data gathering.

We may be sure that the Obama White House will show one group a friendlier face than the other. What's less certain is whether the Main Stream Media, which have slumbered innocently in the path of the truth-averse Juggernaut of politics in our time, will awaken as a body in time to save accurate, incisive, investigative journalism from extinction.

Thursday, June 20, 2013

The Unity Con

The following might seem a bit scattered, because the theme I plan to address has quite a lot of facets. Please bear with me as I try to stitch them together.


The emergence of the great, multi-polity domain once known as Christendom proceeded from a relatively compact set of formative influences:

  1. The coalescence of regionally dominant military powers, each capable of defending its borders against comparable aggressors;
  2. The development of aristocracies generally trustworthy at maintaining peace and order within their domains;
  3. The Peace of Westphalia, which provided the basis for the modern concept of national sovereignty and self-determination;
  4. The perfusion of Europe, including its royal and noble houses, with Christian ethical norms.

Not one of those ingredients could have been removed. All were vital to the formation of Christendom, the largest generally successful political project in the history of Man. From the Westphalian treaties of 1648 to the outbreak of the First World War, it made Europe the source of virtually all technological, economic, and social advancement. Mind you, it wasn't an unblemished entity; it knew various periods of warfare, and miscellaneous varieties of institutional evil. But it stands head and shoulders above all other, similarly large political undertakings.

Why? Or rather: How? What made Christendom such a relative success?

Hold that thought. We'll get back to it.


Regard closely this bit of reportage on Barack Hussein Obama's recent trip to Northern Ireland:

President Obama wasn't kidding in March of 2012 when he told then-Russian president Dmitry Medvedev that he would have "more flexibility" after the election. We got a chilling look at what Obama meant by that during a speech in Northern Ireland for the G8 Summit when he declared religious schools divisive:
If towns remain divided—if Catholics have their schools and buildings and Protestants have theirs, if we can’t see ourselves in one another and fear or resentment are allowed to harden—that too encourages division and discourages cooperation.

Note that Obama singles out Catholic and Protestant schools, and not Islamic schools.

Leftists like Obama loath parochial schools because they put children outside of the reach of government. The left sees public schools as breeding grounds–the place where they can insert themselves into their favorite spot: between parent and child.

It is all about influencing our kids–Borging them into conformity in an environment void of Bibles and trans-fat but loaded with condoms and victimhood.

The author of the above, John Nolte, has discerned an important aspect of modern left-liberalism: the drive to homogenize beliefs and attitudes through universal subjection to conformity-inducing institutions such as the "public" schools. "Division," you see, is the left-liberal's enemy...especially a "division" on political subjects. Left-liberalism is innately hostile to political dissent -- and to the Left, all things are political.

Given that Obama feels so obviously hostile toward Christian educational institutions, one must wonder how he feels about homeschooling...and what he would like to do about it, were he able.


The great Gilbert Keith Chesterton emitted many an incisive statement, but the one dearest to me is this:

“There exists… a certain institution or law; let us say, for the sake of simplicity, a fence or gate erected across a road. The more modern type of reformer goes gaily up to it and says, “I do not see the use of this; let us clear it away.” To which the more intelligent type of reformer will do well to answer, “If you do not see the use of it, I certainly won’t let you clear it away. Go away and think. Then, when you can come back and tell me that you do see the use of it, I may allow you to destroy it…”

Some person had a good reason for thinking (the gate or fence) would be a good thing for somebody. And until we know what the reason was, we cannot judge whether the reason was reasonable. … The truth is that nobody has any business to destroy a social institution until he has really seen it as an historical institution. If he knows how it arose, and what purposes it was supposed to serve, he may really be able to say that they were bad purposes, that they have since become bad purposes, or that they are purposes which are no longer served.

But if he simply stares at the thing as a senseless monstrosity that has sprung up in his path, it is he and not the traditionalist who is suffering from an illusion…” [from The Thing]

Tradition has been described as "the democracy of the dead:" the less-than-formal means by which those who have preceded us have passed down what they think they know, for our edification and protection. Edification of a sort that cannot be arrived at through the "ivory tower" style of abstract contemplation; protection, in the all-important domain of protection from our own vagrant impulses and failures of humility.

Man has done much erring over the millennia. Yet his accumulated mistakes have left a residuum of wisdom...wisdom conveyed to us largely in the form of traditions.

Mind you, not all traditions are utterly sound and to be cleaved to without thought. Traditions deserve to be reflected upon, their origins studied, and their practice supplemented or modified when appropriate with more recently acquired knowledge and experience. But they are not to be cast aside heedlessly, as would the "modern type of reformer" in Chesterton's statement above. History teaches that we're more likely to suffer than prosper from such radicalism. Besides, the dead wouldn't like it.

Each thing exists for a reason...including our differences.


Porthos: You know, it strikes me that we would be better employed ringing Milady's pretty neck than shooting these poor devils of protestants. I mean, what are we killing them for? Because they sing psalms in French and we sing them in Latin?
Aramis: Porthos, have you no education? What do you think religious wars are all about?

[From Pat Wollaston's screenplay for the Four Musketeers.]

Note that in an earlier segment I referred to Christian ethical norms. The Peace of Westphalia was in large measure an effort to end internecine warfare that arose from religious differences among Catholics, Lutherans, Anglicans, and Calvinists.

Those four divisions of Christianity differed on many things, some of them so sharply that they were unable to discuss them in civil tones. But they agreed on the core of Christian ethics:

Then someone came up to him and said, "Teacher, what good deed must I do to have eternal life?" And He said to him, "Why do you ask me about what is good? There is only one who is good. If you wish to enter into life, keep the commandments." He said to Him, "Which ones?" And Jesus said, "You shall not murder; You shall not commit adultery; You shall not steal; You shall not bear false witness; Honor your father and your mother; also, You shall love your neighbor as yourself." [Matthew 19:16-19]

Christendom would not have been possible, had the various Christian sects differed on any of Jesus's commandments to the "rich young man." For it is these that make peace and public order possible at all. A nation in which "tolerance" (rapidly becoming one of my least favorite words) is extended to persons who differ with the Savior on those essentials, whether generally or with reference to certain groups, is doomed to vanish, "in a spread of ruins and slaughter." [Ayn Rand]

It is possible to form great and peaceable assemblages conducive to human flourishing only on the basis of Christ's instructions above, which are sometimes called the Noachite Commandments. Christendom functioned well only while it maintained coherence around those six absolutes. In the early Twentieth Century, when the nations of Europe began to discard them in a quest for territory, profit, prestige, colonies, or what-have-you, Christendom itself ceased to exist. Fragmentation and the concomitant violence became inevitable. Only America, separated from the ensuing turmoil by two great oceans, retained any prospect of cohesion in general peace.

Europe's present-day turmoil, as the "post-Christian" EU teeters and staggers toward its doom over international tensions and divisions, is a reminder that among peoples who differ on all else, the commonalities that flow from the Noachite Commandments are indispensable.


Frank Burns: Normality is everyone doing and thinking the same thing.
Trapper John: But what about individuality, Frank?
Frank Burns: Individuality's fine...as long as we all do it together!

[From the TV show M*A*S*H.]

We cannot agree on all things. Indeed, it's Satan's whisper that we should try. For what does it imply?

  • That there are final answers to all questions;
  • That there is a coterie of absolute authorities among men who deserve utter deference on all things;
  • That dissent from any of those authorities' dicta amounts to treason against humanity, harmony, and knowledge itself.

We are all human, and therefore must agree on those things that experience has proved utterly necessary for social peace and species survival. But individuals are designed to be individual: to differ in many ways, some critical to their health and well-being. Beyond our mandatory agreements, divergence is essential and must be respected and protected.

There will be many episodes in which our differences will seem both critical and irresolvable. I maintain that it is at those exact moments that the Unity Con -- that we must agree on something beyond the Noachite Commandments -- is most dangerous. No other agreements are vital; accordingly, no other agreement should be allowed to incur a cost in blood, even in potential. When politics is invoked in an attempt to forge such an agreement, a sword hangs over our heads regardless of whether we can sense it. They who would wield that sword are unlikely to respect anyone's convictions or opinions except their own.

Pray.

Thursday, June 6, 2013

Weapons Part 2: The Conditioners

Train up a child in the way he should go; even when he is old he will not depart from it. [Book of Proverbs, 22:6]
"Give me a child until he is seven and I will give you the man" -- Jesuit motto
"Give me four years to teach the children and the seed I have sown will never be uprooted." -- Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
"He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future....It is not truth that matters, but victory." -- Adolf Hitler

As you can see from the above, there's general agreement on the importance of conditioning young minds...though, as you can see from the above, the motives involved in seeking to do so have varied rather widely.

It would be the greatest of errors ever to assume benevolence in one who demands the privilege of "teaching" your children. Yet there are large, well-funded organizations, that have the tacit cooperation of the federal government, demanding exactly that. That's the situation we face in these United States at this time.

As matters stand, the educrats can't compel you to send your kids to their schools. All they can do is whine about how unfair it is -- to them, of course -- that you should be allowed a choice in the matter. But, with the assistance of state and local governments, they can make it very hard for you to exercise that choice. Their principal tool is the local public-school tax. In many districts, that tax has risen so high that residents can't afford to pay it and pay for a private education for their children...not that most private schools are all that much better than the public ones, sad to say. The schooling industry -- they don't educate according to my lights -- has been so completely suborned by leftists that the formal alternatives are little better than the public carceratoria.


The public schools -- I prefer to call them government-run schools -- have become the Left's principal weapon in its drive to "gain the future." An illustrative incident arose quite recently:

OWINGS, MD -- The father of a middle schooler in Calvert County, Md. says his 11-year-old son was suspended for 10 days for merely talking about guns on the bus ride home.

Bruce Henkelman of Huntingtown says his son, a sixth grader at Northern Middle School in Owings, was talking with friends about the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre when the bus driver hauled him back to school to be questioned by the principal, Darrel Prioleau.

"The principal told me that with what happened at Sandy Hook if you say the word 'gun' in my school you are going to get suspended for 10 days," Henkelman said in an interview with WMAL.com.

So what did the boy say? According to his father, he neither threatened nor bullied anyone.

"He said, I wish I had a gun to protect everyone. He wanted to defeat the bad guys. That's the context of what he said," Henkelman said. "He wanted to be the hero."

In his column of this morning, Todd Starnes provides still more details:

Since the incident happened a day before winter break, the principal reduced the suspension to one day. But the family was ordered to complete an ‘intrusive’ four page questionnaire and the deputy sheriff said he would have to search their home --- without a warrant.

“But he was emphasizing that it warranted a 10-day suspension,” [Henkelman] said.

Robin Welsh, the deputy superintendent for school system, confirmed to Fox News that the incident occurred. She also said there was misinformation about the case. However, she declined to go into any details citing federal and local confidentiality laws.

Welsh did point out that the principal of the middle school did nothing wrong.

“The principal followed our policies and procedures and absolutely did handle it in an appropriate manner,” she said....

After Henkelman picked up his son from school, the deputy sheriff said he would need to search their home.

“I said, by what authority and he said that he had to make sure the house is clear of guns,” he said.

The deputy arrived at their home 15 minutes later armed with a four-page questionnaire.

“I was uncomfortable answering the questions,” he said. “But I was told if I don’t fill this form out – he would not be allowed back in school.”

The questions covered topics ranging from mental health to how many guns and weapons the family owned.

“They were very intrusive questions,” he said.

At some point, the deputy said he had to search the home. They got as far as the kitchen when Henkelman decided to feel uneasy.

“I asked him to leave,” he said. “The deputy became agitated and said he would get a search warrant. I said that’s what I needed.”

After the deputy left, Henkelman called the sheriff’s department. He was told over the phone that officers would not be searching his home.

The deputy later returned to complete the four-page document.

Henkelman said he’s speaking out because he never got answers from the school district.

“When I tried to get to the bottom of this – they refuse to answer any of my questions,” he said.” I called the director of transportation and he would not put anything in writing. I told him that was very cowardly.”

Contemplate that for a moment while I fetch more coffee.


There's an awful lot to talk about in there, no?

  • First, there's the school district's assertion of an outrageous power over speech outside the school grounds;
  • Second, there's the punishment and terrorizing of a good child who had placed no one in any danger;
  • Third, there's the sheriff's department attempt to abridge the Henkelmans' Fourth Amendment rights;
  • Fourth, there's the business about the questionnaire as a condition for the child's readmission to school;
  • Fifth, there's the refusal of the transportation functionary to commit to a written statement about the event and the circumstances.

But here's the question I find most relevant: Why?

I can find only this answer:

The school district seeks to condition the students to react to even the thought of weapons with fear and revulsion, while the sheriff's department seeks to compel private citizens to reflexive submission.

That all this took place in the United States should terrify anyone with three functioning brain cells.

Different persons will focus on different aspects of this outrage. My focus keeps drifting back toward the intrusive questionnaire, which the sheriff's department told Bruce Henkelman was a condition for his son's readmission to school.

A law-enforcement department told a private citizen that unless he accepted a completely unConstitutional invasion of his privacy, his child would be denied the education he was forced by law to pay for.

The wonder of it is that the deputy sheriff didn't attempt to force the search upon the Henkelmans. Perhaps he realized it would be "a bridge too far." But given the tenor of our times, he might have gotten away with that, just as the school district and sheriff's department appear to have gotten away with the questionnaire business.


The rise of the 3D-printer has gotten a lot of column-inches, mainly because of the device's recently revealed potential for fabricating weapons parts. Though such parts are currently quite limited in their utility, the continuing development of the 3D-printer will make for ever more sturdy and reliable fabrications, such that anyone with access to such a device will be able to manufacture a working gun at will.

This is the death knell for effective gun control. Because of this technology, it will never be possible to collect and destroy all the firearms in private hands. That dream of the statists has been shattered once and for all. But we mustn't expect them to give up on their drive to disarm us. Rather than campaigning against our rightful possessions, they'll strive to warp our children's minds.

They will seek to create a pervasive hoplophobia in future generations of Americans, such that even the thought of a gun induces a nauseating fear; incidents such as the one narrated above will provide the template. If they succeed in doing so, the Second Amendment will cease to be important in any practical sense. Our kids won't even be able to mouth the word "gun" without punishing themselves through their deeply embedded anti-gun conditioning.

It's a very low-tech approach to fastening fetters upon our nation...but it works:

"There are some religious orthodoxies which require a very specific diet, and the absolute exclusion of certain items. Given enough indoctrination for long enough, you can keep a man eating only (we'll say) flim while flam is forbidden. He'll get along on thin moldy flim and live half starved in a whole warehouse full of nice fresh flam. You can make him ill—even kill him, if you have the knack—just by convincing him that the flim he just ate was really flam in disguise. Or you can drive him psychotic by slipping him suggestions until he acquires a real taste for flam and gets a supply and hides it and nibbles at it secretly every time he fights temptation and loses."

C. S. Lewis pinned it equally well:

In order to understand fully what Man's power over Nature, and therefore the power of some men over other men, really means, we must picture the race extended in time from the date of its emergence to that of its extinction. Each generation exercises power over its successors: and each, in so far as it modifies the environment bequeathed to it and rebels against tradition, resists and limits the power of its predecessors. This modifies the picture which is sometimes painted of a progressive emancipation from tradition and a progressive control of natural processes resulting in a continual increase of human power. In reality, of course, if any one age really attains, by eugenics and scientific education, the power to make its descendants what it pleases, all men who live after it are the patients of that power. They are weaker, not stronger: for though we may have put wonderful machines in their hands we have pre-ordained how they are to use them....

Hitherto the plans of educationalists have achieved very little of what they attempted and indeed, when we read them—how Plato would have every infant "a bastard nursed in a bureau", and Elyot would have the boy see no men before the age of seven and, after that, no women, and how Locke wants children to have leaky shoes and no turn for poetry—we may well thank the beneficent obstinacy of real mothers, real nurses, and (above all) real children for preserving the human race in such sanity as it still possesses. But the man-moulders of the new age will be armed with the powers of an omnicompetent state and an irresistible scientific technique: we shall get at last a race of conditioners who really can cut out all posterity in what shape they please.

Do not think the dreams of the tyrants stop short at a monopoly on instruments of force. He who seeks power over others ultimately demands it over others' thoughts and reactions. And as Orwell pointed out, the tyrant has but one way of assuring himself that his power is complete:

    "How does a man assert his power over another, Winston?"
    Winston thought. "By making him suffer," he said.
    "Exactly. By making him suffer. Obedience is not enough. Unless he is suffering, how can you be sure he is obeying your will and not his own? Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing. Do you begin to see then what kind of world we are creating? It is the exact opposite of the stupid hedonistic Utopias that the old reformers imagined. A world of fear and treachery and torment, a world of trampling and being trampled upon, a world that will grow not less but more merciless as it refines itself. Progress in our world will be progress toward more pain. The old civilizations claimed that they were founded on love and justice. Ours is founded upon hatred. In our world there will be no emotion except fear, rage, and self-abasement. Everything else will be destroyed--everything!...If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face--forever."

You know where that last citation comes from, don't you, Gentle Reader?