Showing posts with label ethics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ethics. Show all posts

Monday, December 29, 2025

The Deepest Divide

     I’d intended to apologize for a sudden attack of intellectual sloth and declare a day off, but I have something on my mind that demands a piece, if only a brief one.

     You’re a Gentle Reader of Liberty’s Torch. That marks you as intelligent, erudite, on top of current events, and unusually handsome and charming. And that means you’re already aware of the enormous “daycare fraud” being perpetrated by Somalis in Minnesota. It’s a good thing you’re already aware, for the national media have done their best not to mention them.

     Citizen-journalist Nick Shirley has done excellent work at exposing these frauds. Not one of them has any children in its care. All are consuming federal and state funds with a voracity that would impress Ungoliant.

     The scandals that surround the scandal pertain to the Minnesota state government’s tolerance – nay, its protection – of these fraudulent institutions, and the complete failure of any national news organ to report on them. Governor Tim Walz, already a figure of considerable ignominy, has openly said that he will support the Somalians against ICE and the justice system. All in all, it forms a pile of ordure that would sicken Satan.

     If Satan were an American, that is. If he’s a Third Worlder or a Muslim, it’s business as usual, except for the embarrassment of getting caught with your hand in the till.

     If you were raised in the U.S. or in Europe, you were raised to Judeo-Christian moral-ethical standards: broadly speaking, the Noahide Commandments, of which the Ten Commandments of the Book of Exodus are a superset. Those standards are not common to persons reared outside the nations of Christendom. Third Worlders generally live by another rule:

Getting Away With It
Is All That Matters.

     Military science-fiction writer Tom Kratman has called this amoral familism. Of course, the term amoral implies a moral standard that an amoralist would deny. The standard of the First World, as previously mentioned, is the one delineated by the Ten Commandments.

     It doesn’t matter that we of the First World are shocked by the Somalian fraud system. That is: it doesn’t matter to the Somalians. All that matters to them is getting away with it. They feel no guilt. They’re merely embarrassed about being exposed. They have powerful protectors, so there’s a good chance they’ll continue to get away with it. Should that protection fail, such that they’re indicted, tried, convicted, and imprisoned for their crimes, well, “them’s the breaks,” right? Imagine a big Third World shrug.

     Prison, by the way, would not change them. They’d come out as amoral as they went in.

     In this cleavage between the moral standard shared by the U.S. and Europe and the non-standard of the Third World lies the clinching argument against permitting Third Worlders to immigrate to the First World. To the Somalians, the U.S. is a goodie bowl from which to grab all they can get away with. Their attitude is shared by virtually all other Third Worlders. They start stealing as soon as they’re here. They don’t stop of their own accord; they must be stopped. To avert that calamity, they make use of every bleeding-heart slogan and epithet you’ve ever heard, with copious assistance from the American Left.

     (Why the American Left is so willing to defend these migratory vampires is a subject for another tirade. For now, just take it as written.)

     The 1965 Hart-Celler Act made it possible for Third Worlders to apply for entry to the United States, with the possibility of naturalization after five years’ residence. Beyond that, the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Refugee Act allow such persons to petition for asylum here, on the representation that they’re fleeing persecution. These were regarded as humanitarian reforms. However, as we have seen from the Somalians and other Third World arrivals to our shores, the humanitarianism is one-way only. Third Worlders don’t assimilate. They certainly don’t adopt the Judeo-Christian ethics that makes our open, generous, excessively trusting society possible.

     President Trump has said that he will deport them. I hope he’ll keep his word. For longer-range relief, the Hart-Celler Act and all legislation that draws from that foundation must be repealed in favor of an immigration policy that admits only those who can be expected to conform to Judeo-Christian moral-ethical standards, no matter what religion they profess. I imagine Buddhists would be fairly safe.

Tuesday, July 21, 2020

Defining And Defeating The Morally Different

     About a month ago, I made a point that in my estimation “should” be “obvious.” However, I forgot that what’s “obvious” to me isn’t always clear to others who’ve left their thinking caps at home. “Obvious,” after all, does mean overlooked. At least, that’s the way the word is most frequently used.

     Since I posted that piece, I’ve received a number of requests for clarification. “Obvious” notions “shouldn’t” require clarification. Either they arise from the simple implications of openly available evidence – i.e., they’re the nearest thing to self-evident – or they’re not as “obvious” as all that. And with that, I’ll declare a moratorium on the ironic use of quote marks and proceed normally. Well, normally for the Curmudgeon Emeritus to the World Wide Web, anyway.

     If you’re one of the Gentle Readers who’ve hoped for a clarification, please read what follows slowly and with your best attention.


1. Defining the Morally Different.

     If once a man indulges himself in murder, very soon he comes to think little of robbing; and from robbing he comes next to drinking and Sabbath-breaking, and from that to incivility and procrastination. – Thomas de Quincey

     I routinely use the term moral as shorthand for morals and ethics: paired codes of constraint to which an individual adheres. However, moral and ethical codes are technically distinct from one another. One’s morals concern what one must and must not do when no one else is likely to be adversely affected by one’s decisions and actions. Typical subjects under the heading of morality include sexual conduct, the use of intoxicants, and cheating at solitaire. Ethics concern decisions and actions that are likely to involve harm to others. That covers the mala in se of the criminal law such as murder, kidnapping, rape, theft, and vandalism, as well as unprosecuted deeds such as refusing to go to the aid of a drowning man or deceiving one’s spouse about the source of the red marks on one’s shirt collar. And having made that linguistic distinction, I shall use moral and morality to refer to both moral and ethical decisions and actions henceforward.

     If Smith and Jones differ morally, they feel themselves to be constrained by different rules. A fair and commonplace example occurs in many white-collar workplaces. Smith would never dream of raiding the company supply cabinet for materials to be used at home; he considers it stealing. In contrast, Jones helps himself to whatever he might find useful and takes it home for his personal use; he considers it a perquisite of his employment, regardless of what company policy might say. In that regard and perhaps in others, Smith and Jones are morally different.

     That example might elicit shrugs from some Gentle Readers. “So what?” they might say. “Jones takes some pens and paper home from the office? Big deal. Everybody does it.” I shan’t argue the point, except to note that he who says “everybody does it” is really saying “In his situation, I would do it.”

     My central point is that it constitutes a moral difference between Smith and Jones. Davis, who employs them both, can rely on Smith in ways he can’t rely on Jones. Were he to become aware of their moral difference, it would probably result in a difference in the way he treats them – and that could have serious effects on Jones’s career.

     Plainly, some moral differences are graver than others. Yet it is observably the case that such seemingly small differences often blossom into graver ones over time.

     Jones may steal from “the company” with a clear conscience on the grounds that “the company can afford it.” But he might come to view Smith in the same light: as one who has possessions that “he can afford” to lose, while acquiring them would benefit Jones greatly. The retardant here would be the impersonality Jones probably attributes to “the company” versus the plain and obvious personhood of Smith, a working stiff much like Jones himself though perhaps better compensated. Still, one once has accepted pilferage as a means of improving one’s own circumstances, what dividing line is guaranteed to hold forever?

     Now consider the moral difference between Smiths whose moral codes are never broken and Joneses whose “morals” are completely expressed by one consideration: “Can I get away with it?” There cannot be any sort of trustworthy interaction between those two groups. Indeed, the Joneses will see the Smiths as sheep to be shorn, and will shear them at every opportunity...unless and until the Smiths put an end to the threat the Joneses represent.


     Even more dramatic moral differences are possible between men. We confront one today: the moral difference between normal, decent Americans and the scum that call themselves “AntiFa.”

     Smith, a decent American, adheres to a moral code that forbids doing harm to an innocent, under which term he subsumes all non-aggressors. Smith might occasionally be provoked beyond his ability to resist – a sufficiently grave insult, for example, might be answered with a punch in the nose – but if asked about his attitude toward interpersonal violence, he would condemn it. He might qualify that for particular, well-defined contexts – “I won’t start a fight, but I will finish one” – but he will insist that normal interactions with peaceable others must be violence-free.

     Jones, a member of AntiFa, holds to a completely different code. His code says violence is a legitimate – possibly even mandatory – way to get the political results he seeks. Moreover, he regards any attempt, whether verbal or physical, to prevent him from doing such violence as violence directed against him and his fellows — which he considers immoral. Consider the following, which I believe was posted at Twitter:

     The anonymous complainant has expressed his moral code:

  • He gets to perform various acts of violence and vandalism;
  • But legal consequences for those acts are “not fucking fair...”
  • ...because “we’re the good guys!”

     Would Smith regard Jones as a “good guy?” Or would he consider that the legal system was doing its assigned and proper job: protecting peaceable persons and property against violence and vandalism?

     Imagine how Jones would regard an “informal,” on-the-spot forceful response to his violence and vandalism. Imagine what he would think of an equal or superior number of Smiths, ready and willing to meet the Joneses with force: fisticuffs, melee weapons, or guns. If being arrested and tried for his crimes offends Jones's sense of “fairness,” imagine what he would think of being on the receiving end of a beatdown.

     The moral difference between Smith and Jones is sociopolitically significant. Compare it to the rise to power of the Nazis in Weimar Germany, or Mussolini’s Fascists in Italy of the same period. In those places and times, the violence unleashed by the Nazis and Fascists was not met by a forceful response, whether legal or “informal.” The consequences should be well known by anyone over the age of ten.


2. Defeating the Morally Different.

     When force is made the standard, the murderer wins over the pickpocket. -- Ayn Rand

     To defeat the morally different, it is first required of us that we recognize the moral difference between us and them. That can be a hard thing for a Smith, who tends to assume that Jones, however “misguided” he may be, holds to the same moral code as Smith. But this is not the case. Worse, the belief that it is the case paralyzes Smith. He finds himself unable to do anything but talk – and talk will not defeat the morally different! They have placed themselves outside our moral code. They are, quite literally, outlaws, and therefore properly subject to whatever degree of forceful response is needed to bring them down.

     Mind you, there is still much difficulty involved. The forces of order must be mobilized and must act. The Joneses must be rounded up and incarcerated at the very least. A great part of our present problem arises from the lack of forceful counter-action: first on the part of the police, second on the part of the military. For there is this to ponder and absorb:

A group that has rejected the moral code on which our laws are based is in a state of insurrection against the nation.

     If the police cannot subdue the Joneses and subject them to the weight of the law, the military must treat them as a rebel army, to be defeated in the field. Whatever degree of bloodshed results must be regarded as the price of defending the nation, upholding its laws, and restoring its public order.

     To this point, very little of this has occurred. America’s largest cities are beset by violence and vandalism, under a banner that reads “Black Lives Matter.” No small number of lives have been affected. Some have died. We need not dwell on the ironies involved. We merely need to recognize the moral difference between decent Americans and the rioters, and meet the miscreants head on with whatever force is required to subdue them. Failure to do so will be punished by the loss of our nation.

     All that having been said, I yield the floor to my Gentle Readers.

Thursday, June 20, 2019

Ugly Calculations

     If a thing is wrong, it is wrong – and vox populi can’t change it. – Robert A. Heinlein

     A friend once told me of a contretemps that erupted during a philosophy class he attended. The subject matter was morality and whether it has an objective nature. The professor kicked it off with a simple question: “Why was it wrong for Cain to murder Abel?”

     The class erupted in contending theories. Voices started soft but soon began to rise. When the exchanges edged toward acrimony, the professor halted the crossfire and provided the answer to his question: “Because it was.”

     Herbert Spencer put it another way:

     I asked one of the members of Parliament whether a majority of the House could legitimize murder. He said no. I asked him whether it could sanctify robbery. He thought not. But I could not make him see that if murder and robbery are intrinsically wrong, and not to be made right by the decisions of statesmen, then similarly all actions must be either right or wrong, apart from the authority of the law; and that if the right and wrong the law are not in harmony with this intrinsic right and wrong, the law itself is criminal.

     Murder is not wrong because there’s a law against it; there’s a law against it because it is absolutely wrong a priori. The wrongness of murder is built into our natures as thinking beings with individual values and souls.

     Regard, if you will, the legal distinction between murder and other forms of homicide. A murder is deliberate: it’s the consequence of actions that were intended to take a human life. A murder is also unjustified: the perpetrator cannot claim to have been innocently defending his life, the life of some other innocent, or any other morally defensible item. So accidental killings and killings in defense of some overriding priority are not murders.

     Natural law shows its reality most dramatically when the subject is murder. Yet some persons commit murders. They cannot claim to be unaware that murder is morally wrong; that information is built into our consciences. Neither can they claim not to know that it’s against the law. So why do they do it?

     The answer is simple, really: they’ve discarded the moral constraint against murder as irrelevant to their agendas. They’ve performed a calculation whose result is I’ll be better off for having murdered this person. Yes, that applies to “crimes of passion” too, even if the “better off” part seems insusceptible to quantitative reasoning.

     When moral constraints are omitted from human decision-making, such calculations are all that remains.


     I have two citations in mind this morning that are relevant to the above material. First is this report from Canada of an injustice inadequately redressed:

     TORONTO, June 14, 2019 (LifeSiteNews) — Jordan Hunt, the Toronto hair stylist caught roundhouse kicking a pro-life woman in a viral video last fall, received a conditional discharge and eight months’ probation Thursday on two charges of assault and one of mischief under $5,000....

     Hunt’s charges stemmed from two separate incidents.

     One occurred at a Toronto location of the September 30, 2018 Life Chain, where Marie-Claire Bissonnette of Campaign Life Coalition began video-recording Hunt on her cellphone after he showed up and started scribbling on participants’ jackets with markers....

     By then, Hunt had been identified as the individual caught on video knocking over a sign during a demonstration by the Canadian Center for Bioethical Reform in Toronto in August 2018.

     The court heard that on that occasion, Hunt tried to wrest a sign from CCBR’s Samuel Sey, and when unsuccessful, tried to do the same to Sarah Dakin, causing her to fall against a pole and cut her right middle finger.

     Please read the whole article.

     Malicious vandalism, assault and battery, and the infliction of injury...punished by probation and a modest fine? Does that strike you as proportionate to the offenses, Gentle Reader? More to the point, does Jordan Hunt strike you as genuinely remorseful for deeds he had to know were morally wrong from the very first?

     The notion is absurd. Hunt said what his attorney directed him to say, that he might get away with so light a sentence. While Hunt’s calculation that he could exercise his malice at no cost didn’t yield the exact result he reaped from his actions, but from the penalty meted out to him, he didn’t suffer much. Certainly not enough to deter others of similar inclinations.

     This is what we get when the concept of absolute moral constraints is dismissed with prejudice.


     The second citation involves an event two years in the past:

     The year was 2017, and John Schnatter, the founder of Papa John’s Pizza, made the mistake of not being properly deferential to the NFL’s kneeling thugs who make millions of dollars chasing a ball in the mud. So the press decided, “We gotta get this guy because he’s a Nazi racist.”...

     The media wanted Schnatter’s head on a platter. The neckbeard Einsatzkommandos at the Daily Stormer wanted publicity. And the result wasn’t so much a deal with the devil as a deal between two devils.

     The Nazi trolls posted the images they knew the media wanted, most notably a Papa John’s pizza with the pepperonis arranged to form a swastika. Newsweek could not have produced such an image itself, as the Nazi pizza is clearly defamatory. But it could cover, in the name of “news,” the fact that Nazis produced the image. Because that’s not creating the story, it’s only reporting it (even though yes, it’s totally creating the story).

     Newsweek’s piece about how “Nazis love Papa John’s,” with the “Nazi pizza” image at the top of the page and in the social media thumbnail, went super-viral.

     There’s multilayered artistry going on here. The neo-Nazis knew that if they posted the Nazi pizza image themselves, it would be swiftly removed from social media. So they gave it to Newsweek, a Twitter- and Facebook-approved site. And now that Newsweek was using it, it could be posted on social media! The Nazis got to post their swastika image without fear of drawing a ban, and Newsweek got a viral story that allowed them to exploit the swastika image while being seen as condemning it. Everyone got what they wanted—the Stormer trolls got attention, and Newsweek got hits.

     The calculations that led to the actions above are comparable to those of Jordan Hunt in the earlier citation. Note the complete absence of any moral constraint, particularly Thou shalt not bear false witness. The miscreants all got what they wanted at no cost to themselves, while a decent man’s reputation was ruined and he was forced out of the business he’d created.


     There are some who would look at the incidents described above and shrug. Some would even applaud. Harry Reid certainly would. While their numbers might fall short of a majority, there are enough of them to constitute a formidable force. Most decent men would do no more than cluck at them – and that is a substantial part of the problem.

     When the amoral run calculations such as the ones described here and are gratified by the results, the society that hosts them is in deep trouble. Remember what Ralph Waldo Emerson said about nature’s methods of compensation:

     If the government is cruel, the governor's life is not safe. If you tax too high, the revenue will yield nothing. If you make the criminal code sanguinary, juries will fail to convict. If the law is too mild, private vengeance comes in.

     The calculability of profit from evil methods arises entirely from the abandonment of moral constraints. In the absence of those constraints, revenues, costs, and villains’ projections thereof are all that remain. Decent men must raise the costs as high as possible. No available alternative is acceptable.

Tuesday, April 23, 2019

Ethics: Three Tiers

     I believe we’ve had enough about the Mueller Report (and the Democrats’ hysteria over not finding a pony buried in all that manure). As for the Sri Lanka bombings, what is there to say that I haven’t already said many times? That makes this Tuesday in the Year of Our Lord 2019 a fine opportunity to talk a little philosophy.


     While the term morals is often used to subsume ethics, if we go by their etymologies there’s an important difference between the two words. The former term is descended from the Latin mores, which in classical Latin means customs. The Romans used it to describe the restraints they were expected to observe when in public. It is noteworthy that Roman mores applied mainly to the behavior and carriage of persons of the patrician class. The plebeians were not expected to conform to all the mores, for reasons beyond the scope of this tirade. (Slaves were, as usual, considered beneath contempt.)

     By contrast, ethics derives from the Greek term ethos: a code of conduct that specifically regulates one’s treatment of others. Public deportment that affects only oneself would be outside the ethos. Thus, one could flout the customs pertaining to proper dress or speech, for example, while still remaining within the prevailing ethos.

     The evolution of Western thought was more concerned with the refinement of ethical concepts than with moral ones. Moral ideas did receive attention, but ethical ones were the ones emphasized, especially during the flowering we call the Enlightenment.

     A brief digression here: Ponder the Ten Commandments of the Decalogue. Just in case you don’t have a list handy, here they are (Catholic enumeration):

  1. I am the Lord thy God; thou shalt have no other gods before Me.
  2. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.
  3. Remember thou the Sabbath day and keep it holy.
  4. Honor thy mother and thy father.
  5. Thou shalt not murder.
  6. Thou shalt not commit adultery.
  7. Thou shalt not steal.
  8. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor.
  9. Thou shalt not covet they neighbor’s wife.
  10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s goods.

     The first three Commandments pertain to respect for Divine prerogatives rather than the treatment of another individual. Thus, while they could be called moral precepts, they don’t qualify as ethical ones. Commandments Four through Eight are explicitly ethical:

  • Honor thy mother and thy father: Observance of familial obligations.
  • Thou shalt not murder: The right to life.
  • Thou shalt not commit adultery: Fidelity to promises solemnly made.
  • Thou shalt not steal: Property rights.
  • Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor: The proscription of fraud.

     According to the histories, the great Hebraic thinker Hillel summarized all of Judaic law this way: “What is hateful to you, do not do unto another. The rest is commentary; go and study it.” This, which has an equivalent in Confucian thought, has come to be known as the Brazen Rule.

     Organized ethical thought must begin with Commandments Four through Ten, whether or not one concedes their Divine origin. No other basis holds water.


     Following from the above, an eagle’s-eye view of ethical thought partitions its various scholia into three tiers. While there are many variations among schools of ethical thought, three tiers will suffice to define and distinguish their most significant elements.

     The lowest of the three, which places the fewest restrictions on the individual is usually called the philosophy of power, or “might makes right.” Ethics of this level passes no judgment on anything an individual might do as long as he can get away with it. Thomas Hobbes implicitly predicated his philosophy of rulership, best expressed in Leviathan, on this sort of ethical code: not on its superiority in any sense, but on his conception of the ruler-less “state of nature,” in which he claimed that no rule that restricts individuals’ conduct could or would prevail.

     The middle tier is characterized by a precept generally called the Brazen Rule. According to the histories, the great Hebraic thinker Hillel summarized all of Judaic law this way: “What is hateful to you, do not do unto another. The rest is commentary; go and study it.” This has an equivalent in Confucian thought.

     Thus, middle-tier ethical codes tell us not to harm one another, but they do not command us to do any more than that. While this is more advanced than Hobbesian “dog eat dog” ethics, it has an “every man for himself” character that distinguishes it from subsequent developments in ethics.

     The highest tier of ethical thought compounds the Brazen Rule with a command to contextually qualified beneficence toward others. Jesus of Nazareth proclaimed its overarching command: “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” This is the justly famous Golden Rule, by which the Son of God expanded upon Judaic ethical teaching to mandate charity toward others when the circumstances warrant it:

     And when the Son of Man shall come in his majesty, and all the angels with him, then shall he sit upon the seat of his majesty. And all nations shall be gathered together before him, and he shall separate them one from another, as the shepherd separateth the sheep from the goats: And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, but the goats on his left.
     Then shall the king say to them that shall be on his right hand: Come, ye blessed of my Father, possess you the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. For I was hungry, and you gave me to eat; I was thirsty, and you gave me to drink; I was a stranger, and you took me in: Naked, and you covered me: sick, and you visited me: I was in prison, and you came to me.
     Then shall the just answer him, saying: Lord, when did we see thee hungry, and fed thee; thirsty, and gave thee drink? And when did we see thee a stranger, and took thee in? or naked, and covered thee? Or when did we see thee sick or in prison, and came to thee?
     And the king answering, shall say to them: Amen I say to you, as long as you did it to one of these my least brethren, you did it to me.
     Then he shall say to them also that shall be on his left hand: Depart from me, you cursed, into everlasting fire which was prepared for the devil and his angels. For I was hungry, and you gave me not to eat: I was thirsty, and you gave me not to drink. I was a stranger, and you took me not in: naked, and you covered me not: sick and in prison, and you did not visit me.
     Then they also shall answer him, saying: Lord, when did we see thee hungry, or thirsty, or a stranger, or naked, or sick, or in prison, and did not minister to thee?
     Then he shall answer them, saying: Amen I say to you, as long as you did it not to one of these least, neither did you do it to me.
     And these shall go into everlasting punishment: but the just, into life everlasting. [Matthew 25:31-46]

     I contend that every school of ethics can be placed in one of those categories.


     As an ethical code constitutes a set of fundamental rules, it is in the nature of things that its dictates cannot be proved correct in some abstract fashion. Principles are like that. They are beneath all other elements of thought and conception, and must be regarded as postulates. We cannot prove a proposition that lies at the foundation of all out tools of thought. C. S. Lewis was eloquent on this matter:

     The Chinese also speak of a great thing (the greatest thing) called the Tao. It is the reality beyond all predicates, the abyss that was before the Creator Himself. It is Nature, it is the Way, the Road. It is the Way in which the universe goes on, the Way in which things everlastingly emerge, stilly and tranquilly, into space and time. It is also the Way which every man should tread in imitation of that cosmic and supercosmic progression, conforming all activities to that great exemplar. 'In ritual', say the Analects, 'it is harmony with Nature that is prized.' The ancient Jews likewise praise the Law as being 'true'.

     This conception in all its forms, Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic, Christian, and Oriental alike, I shall henceforth refer to for brevity simply as 'the Tao'.... It is the doctrine of objective value, the belief that certain attitudes are really true, and others really false, to the kind of thing the universe is and the kind of things we are. Those who know the Tao can hold that to call children delightful or old men venerable is not simply to record a psychological fact about our own parental or filial emotions at the moment, but to recognize a quality which demands a certain response from us whether we make it or not.

     And subsequently:

     From propositions about fact alone no practical conclusion can ever be drawn. This will preserve society cannot lead to do this except by the mediation of society ought to be preserved. This will cost you your life cannot lead directly to do not do this: it can lead to it only through a felt desire or an acknowledged duty of self-preservation. The Innovator is trying to get a conclusion in the imperative mood out of premisses in the indicative mood: and though he continues trying to all eternity he cannot succeed, for the thing is impossible. We must therefore either extend the word Reason to include what our ancestors called Practical Reason and confess that judgements such as society ought to be preserved (though they can support themselves by no reason of the sort that Gaius and Titius demand) are not mere sentiments but are rationality itself; or else we must give up at once, and for ever, the attempt to find a core of 'rational' value behind all the sentiments we have debunked. [From The Abolition of Man]

     Either a particular code of ethics is built into the natural order, and thus is “enforced” (if it is) by natural processes, or it’s nothing but fantasies and word conjuring: “shoulds” for which the only substantiation is someone’s preferences. But while we cannot prove the correctness and completeness of an ethical code, we can observe societies founded on various codes and compare their characteristics. Granted that any evaluation of one society as “better” than others will be a personal matter, there’s a remarkable tendency for men’s preferences to flow toward societies based on the highest-tier codes: those of the Golden Rule.

     Draw your own conclusions.


     Needless to say, a “professional” philosopher would disdain the above as insufficiently detailed at best, naive at worst. (Union members can be like that.) However, as a starting point for the study of ethical concepts and the consideration of the consequences for those societies founded on them, I believe it to be adequate. The core of the thing is simple enough: ethics is about how individuals must, may, and must not treat one another. All else belongs in some other bucket.

     Within every culture known to Man we can find a set of ethical precepts. Correlating the dictates of those precepts with the society’s success or failure (by one’s own standards) is the logical next step. It is also the path toward understanding such trivia as contemporary migration patterns, but that’s a screed for another time.

Friday, April 5, 2019

Things Not To Do

     I suppose learning really does continue lifelong. These past sixty-seven years I’ve learned a few useful tidbits, of which the most useful have generally been the “things not to do.”

     There are many things one should not do. There are a fair number of things one must not do. I have a list, and I add to it when the occasion presents itself. And you, Gentle Reader, being a patron of Liberty’s Torch, would probably agree with me on the great majority of them.

     There’s a new entry on the Must Not Do list. It arrived there just a little while ago. It’s simply stated but terrible of effect:

The old know things that the young must not be allowed to hear.

     I should have known before this. I should have…


     About twenty-five years ago, the C.S.O. and I had another family, the Hudsons, come to dinner at the Fortress: husband, wife, and two teenaged children. It was a pleasant evening, and dinner, cooking being the C.S.O.’s forte, was enjoyed by all. We were past the entrée and enjoying dessert when one of the teens, a charming young lady whose name was Kristin, asked a question of me that, as the saying goes, “brought down the house:”

     “Fran, what would you say is the biggest difference between teens and adults?”

     Kristin’s parents were immediately alert. Mind you, I wasn’t known in their household as some fount of eternal wisdom. Hell, I’m not known that way in my own household. But as you may have noticed, I do have opinions, and I tend to dispense them freely. Moreover, the way Kristin asked the question suggested 1) that she seriously wanted to know my opinion, and 2) that her parents had not provided an answer she found satisfactory. So I took the question seriously, and I decided to answer it seriously:

     “Well, Kristin, I’d say it’s what they’re most concerned about. Teenagers tend to be most concerned about sex. But as you get older, you tend to be less concerned about sex and more concerned about money.”

     You could have heard a pin drop. Kristin’s face lit as if I’d provided the Great Answer to Life, the Universe, and Everything. On the other hand, I think her parents would have looked less shocked if I’d hopped onto the table and dropped my pants. Plainly, by their lights this was something Kristin should not have heard from a respected elder. And yet it was my honest opinion. I believed it then and I believe it today.

     The get-together ended a few uncomfortable minutes later.


     I participate in a few of the newer social-media sites., mostly as a way of promoting Liberty’s Torch. However, if you’ve looked into those sites you’d find a phenomenon that evokes a certain wry amusement from most older men: younger women fishing for various things from us – usually money -- using direct messages and sexy come-ons. A few such women have approached me, even though it says in my profile that I’m a married Catholic born in 1952. It puzzles me, but there it is.

     As I’m alone most of the time, the chance to chat with someone is a refreshing break from whatever I’ve been doing (usually reading or writing). Young, old, male, female doesn’t matter. Until you reveal yourself as a grifter, I’ll talk to you about whatever you’d like.

     These past two days one such young woman, whom I’ll call Mary, kept up a stream of chatter that was diverting (though only intermittently grammatical), and seemed light and innocent enough, except for her less-than-subtle suggestions that we should meet and have what our British cousins would call “a bit of fun.” But about an hour ago that changed:

Mary: Are there any things that you just can't live with or live without?
FWP: Well, I'd hate to lose my eyesight. I enjoy a lot of music, and I'd hate to lose that. But you know, we all lose EVERYTHING sooner or later.
Mary: What are your goals and dreams for the future?
FWP: Write a few more books. That's about all.

     Not exactly shocking from an old retiree who writes novels, eh? But things took an unfortunate turn from there:

Mary: Good will you write about us??
FWP: What would I write about us? That I was chatting with this young woman hundreds of miles away who wanted to know if I’ve ever cheated on my wife? Not much of a story there.
Mary: Haha, you're very funny.

     That’s when I did a Big Bad Thing:

FWP: Do you know what's not funny at all, Mary? Being old. Facing the end of life. Realizing that you'll die soon...and that no one will miss you. Knowing, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that nothing you've done has made a significant difference to anyone. That's the Big Not-Funny.

     I know that “you could have heard a pin drop” image doesn’t translate to conversations conducted in text sent over the Web, but it’s the best I can do.


     Philip K. Dick once wrote that for any living person, there is a string of words that will heal him of his wounds and a string of words that will kill him. Perhaps he had this sort of disclosure in mind. For there are things the old know that only the old should know. Knowledge that can ruin the life of a younger person. Knowledge that will drain him of all hope and joy. Knowledge that will forever after color everyone and everything he sees, no matter where or when:

     Whenever you feel, as you always do, that everything is going wrong and you’re about to be annihilated, turn to your death and ask if that is so. Your death will tell you that you’re wrong; that nothing really matters outside its touch. Your death will tell you, “I haven’t touched you yet.” – don Juan Matus, by way of Carlos Castaneda

     We must not tell them.

Friday, October 26, 2018

Quickies: 1500 Years Old And It Still Provokes Outrage

     Get a load of this:

     In response to pressure from clients who were demanding a CoC before they would do business with him, Richard Hipp, the founder of the widely used SQLite database engine, adopted the Rule of St. Benedict as the guiding principles for his community. The move angered many in the tech community — but was applauded by others who are fed up with the distractions CoCs have caused in recent years. The rules encourage users to love God and their neighbors and to forsake overeating, laziness, and grumbling, among other things.

     Pretty wild, eh? But the reactions of the social-justice warriors / non-playable characters whose pole star is promotion of “the marginalized” and “the oppressed” are very revealing:

     Many in the tech community, accustomed to CoCs focused on sexual diversity, an obsession with gender, and safe spaces, were startled by Hipp's move to adopt the overtly religious Code of Benedict.
     Critics said that his CoC lacked a means of enforcement and insisted that a CoC must make people feel safe and welcomed.
     That was news to Hipp. "Who decided this?" he asked. "Did I miss a memo?"....
     "From what I've been able to piece together from tweets, the purpose of a CoC is to make marginalized people feel welcomed and safe. And there must be some means of enforcement written into the CoC so that if hostile forces infiltrate the community, 'safeness' can be restored by censoring or expelling the miscreants," he explained. Those two rules are apparently "sufficient to disqualify the Rule of St. Benedict as a valid CoC."....
     "Your code of conduct is a terrible joke," wrote one angry user. "Wow, you really didn't understand sh*it, did you? What you're doing there is just disgusting."
     "I will stop using SQLite wherever I can," another user declared. "Please apologize publicly, replace bogus CoC by some actual CoC that addresses issues marginalised groups actually have, and if required (and I strongly suppose it is required!) seek professional help to avoid this kind of behaviour in the future."

     The Rule of St. Benedict of Nursia is over 1500 years old. It focuses on personal virtue and the proper treatment of others. Yes, it’s a Christian document – Catholic, really – but its prescriptions are as applicable to the secular world as to any monastery. But how dare this business owner employ a Christian document as the basis for his commercial enterprise! Why, you’d almost think he’s a Christian himself! And you know how “woke” Leftists feel about those folks!

     This got me laughing so hard my wife rushed over to see if I was all right. Next: A tech entrepreneur that needs a code of conduct adopts The Catechism of the Catholic Church, and heads explode nationwide.

Friday, October 5, 2018

Who Makes The Rules?

     Enjoy a little television history: from the black-and-white days, it’s Abbott and Costello:

     Now you and I both know that no version of the game of poker honors anything like a “kangaroo straight.” Abbott sleazed that into being to collect the pot. Unfortunately, the YouTube clip ends there, because in the very next hand Costello presents a “kangaroo straight” and reaches for the pot, whereupon Abbott says “It’s only good once a game,” and rakes the pot in for himself.

     And with that, we turn to the news.


     Concerning modes of acceptable conduct between the sexes – and, sorry all y’all “genderqueer,” “two-spirited,” and the like: there are only two sexes — what are the rules, who established them, and who has the authority to amend or suspend them?

     Kurt Schlichter wants to know about that and more:

     Forgive my confusion, but I’m trying to figure out how this all works. If rules are going to guide my behavior by providing negative consequences for their violation, it’s not unreasonable to want to know exactly what they are. Except all these rules that I and other Normals are expected to follow, well, they don’t make a lot of sense. I just want to know what they are. Maybe you liberals and Fredocons can help a brother out.

     It’s quintessential Schlichter, so by all means read the whole thing. His point isn’t hard to discern.

     Social rules are not legislated laws. They don’t involve arrests, indictments, and trials. But some of them, historically, have been grounds for ostracism or worse. Woe betide him who violates one of those and fails to make amends. His life might as well end right then and there.

     The old Victorian phrase “That’s not done” is apposite here. It was a way of describing a firm social rule with severe penalties that everyone in Victorian society was expected to observe and enforce. God Himself couldn’t bail you out of a violation – and He would frown most severely upon one who failed to enforce such a rule when it demanded enforcement.

     If that sounds harsh, well...it was. But it had several salutary effects:

  1. Parents were meticulous in teaching the rules to their children;
  2. Adults who sought to violate a rule made sure to do so secretly and with discretion;
  3. Legislated law did not address the realms of human conduct that were covered by the rules.

     Mind you, the rules were violated. Indeed, the rules concerning sexual conduct were violated rather frequently, at least if we can believe the statistics about prostitution during the Victorian Era. Nevertheless, men who patronized prostitutes endeavored to do so discreetly. They strove to keep their wives and children from finding out – and if a man’s misbehavior was discovered, he was expected to display extreme penitence and to make whatever amends he could to his wife, even if she were to divorce him for it.

     The rules demanded all of that.


     Victorian society didn’t possess some sort of board that met regularly to codify the social rules. They weren’t anyone’s conscious creation. They emerged epiphenomenally from other powerful and pervasive social currents, most notably Christianity.

     As the United States was largely the creation of colonists from England, the rules as the English observed, enforced, and promulgated them became our rules as well. We also inherited England’s Christianity, of course; the Christian faith and the rules went together. In consequence, Americans from the Founding Era forward tended toward Victorian norms of sexual conduct. Those norms had overwhelming force until about 1960.

     When the rules lose force, it’s unlikely that anything effective will replace them. Legislated law has sharp limits; a law that more than about 2% of a large population wants to violate or disdains to enforce is effectively null and void. Neither is it guaranteed that new rules with adequate cohesion and social concurrence will emerge.

     However, in recent years we have seen Leftist activists of various kinds attempt to proclaim new rules, founded on their own imagined authority. The militant feminists have tried it. The homosexuals have tried it. The “gender-fluid” camp is trying it as well. In the usual case, their enforcement mechanism is harassment, extortion, or blackmail. (Cf. this piece on “human resources” departments.)

     Owing to Leftist colonization of major commercial, educational, and entertainment institutions, plus the highly confused current state of sexual ethics, those activists have been getting their way...even when they change their rules in mid-stream.


     It is insufficient to wish for the old rules back. They’re not coming back; they’ve been shattered too completely to reassemble. Anyway, the Christianity that underpinned them has weakened too far to sustain them.

     Neither can legislation take the place of the old rules. As I mentioned in a conversation elsewhere, laws against adultery and fornication are on the books in every state of the Union. They’re not enforced; they don’t command adequate social concurrence for enforcement. You might as well try to enforce laws against selling and consuming alcoholic beverages. (Wait, what’s that you say? We’ve tried that? Oh, sorry; my mistake.)

     What we can do is deny the noisy activists their pretenses of authority. They who seek to pillory Brett Kavanaugh for imagined teenage misbehavior, while excusing Bill Clinton for his capric cavortings and Roman Polanski for actual, admitted rape of a young teenager, must be stepped on – hard. If there are no rules, then activists have no authority to make any — and certainly not to compose “rules” that only apply when it pleases them.

     For here we have an uber-rule that must be enforced lest society perish:

If there are rules, they shall apply:
1. To everyone,
2. At all times and places,
3. Regardless of anyone’s preferences.

     That’s the Big Rule: the one that determines whether we have a functioning society or a war of each against all. Verbum sat sapienti.

Thursday, November 9, 2017

Wiring The Plantation

     The American Left has become aware that its cultural hegemony is threatened. I know, I know: What else is new? You’d have to be deaf, dumb, and blind not to have noticed the trails around the cultural gatekeepers that conservatives and libertarians have carved with the advent of digital technology and high-speed communications. But keep in mind that we’re speaking of the Left.

     It took the Soviets quite a while to realize that the true threat to their dominance wasn’t the United States, but the Xerox machine. Low-cost, high-volume copying technology had resulted in the eruption of hundreds of samizdat publications. By the time the Kremlin got around to banning the possession of “unregistered” copiers, the damage was done. Soviet subjects had been “clued in” about the contrast between their lives and the lives of persons in the West. There was no going back.

     It hearkens back to an old theme of mine: “the tripod of freedom.” A people cannot remain free without footholds in three areas:

  • Education;
  • Communications;
  • Weaponry.

     What goes generally undiscussed is how a beachhead in one of those things can lead to gains in another. For example, a few well informed persons can educate many others if a communications outlet is available to them. Once enough smart minds are thinking about weapons, weapons will be contrived or invented. That’s what happened to the Soviet Union. It’s also happening to the U.S., albeit in a different and arguably more ambiguous context.


     This essay provides today’s seed for thought:

     Science Fiction is the fiction of Ideas. It’s the testing ground for the possible and the impossible. It asks questions. The most important being “What if?” And then it tries out the answers, trying to find the moral or scientific answers to questions Humanity hasn’t faced for real yet. And often these extrapolations come up with some very uncomfortable answers.

     For instance, What if we could clone people? Are they the same person or not? Are they people at all? If they are not, can we harvest their organs to save the life of the original person? Pretty much all of the answers can be pretty horrifying, as are the solutions to the issues they raise as well.

     Not every science fiction story is going to be all skittles and cream. A story can be great and make us think and still be horrible to contemplate. Nobody reads 1984 and thinks the world it portrays is something wonderful they’d like to be a part of. Well, nobody SANE, but there are plenty of people who have no problem with Winston Smith’s image of the future, as long as it’s their boot and someone else’s face being smashed forever.

     But some out there do not like hearing contrary voices. They don’t like anything that disagrees with the conclusions they’ve already arrived at (or had spoon-fed to them). The uncomfortable questions and disturbing answers are not for them. They want affirmation. Science Fiction that does not support their dogma is an offense to them. It’s not enough that they don’t have to read it, they don’t want anyone else to read it either. They don’t want it to exist. And they will use social pressure, blackballing and worse to make this so.

     Those are not brand new insights. Any number of writers, including your humble Curmudgeon, have written about the war in the science fiction community. But the balance of the essay makes a valuable observation about social-justice warriors’ (SJWs, as if you needed to be reminded) current tactics:

     There’s an old Russian story about a Communist party meeting, and when the party chairman’s name is mentioned, it is required to stand and applaud his name. The clapping continues and continues, loudly and uproariously because nobody wants to be the first one to stop clapping. After ten or fifteen minutes, the audience is in agony, but nobody dares to stop out of fear. Simply put, because even though it gives everyone else the excuse to finally stop, the first to stop is never seen or heard from again.

     This is the danger of playing the Virtue Signaling game. And he [2015 WorldCon Master of Ceremonies David Gerrold ] goes right out and illustrates this as if it were proper thinking.

     Larry Niven has wisely said: Never throw shit at an armed man. Never stand next to someone who is throwing shit at an armed man. [Italics added -M.] In fact, one could distill this into a much more general rule. Never throw shit. Never stand next to anyone throwing shit.

     This is profoundly good advice.

     There has been too much shit-flinging. Monkeys are good at it, but human beings have made it an art form. Some of us enjoy shit-flinging so much that we forget we’re human beings, we become fecal trebuchets.

     Now this is extraordinary advice, considering the speaker was the Master of Ceremonies at the single greatest celebration of shit flinging in the entire history of SF Fandom (One of his claims to fame in his bio at the end of the piece). This is a classic example of “Let’s stop after I get my last shot in.” Of course, on the internet, nobody gets the last word, not even me.

     So again, he’s projecting his sins upon others. (Also, he missed the point of the Niven quote.)

     And why? Because for the next few screens worth, he goes on and on about one single idea. “So let’s have this conversation be about remembering our essential humanity — and what we must do to preserve it. It’s this simple. If someone is throwing shit, verbal or otherwise, silence is interpreted as agreement.” [Bold mine. -M]

     “Let’s stop after I get my last shot in.” Pretty clear, isn’t it? Once the “outsiders,” now capable of communicating with one another and the wider public via the new media, are able to use the Left’s tactics against it, those tactics must be ruled out-of-bounds. A pity that isn’t working either.

     However, the meat of the matter isn’t “shit flinging.” It’s the Left’s cultural gauleiters’ determination to delegitimize all disagreement with their agenda. Their problem, of course, is that once the plantation has been wired, there’s no way to constrain what we darkies will say to one another.


     What follows might strike you as a digression. I promise you, it isn’t.

     Early in the above-quoted essay, the author asks “What if we could clone people?” Perhaps fifty years ago, that would have been a classic science-fiction what-if. As time passes, some such undertakings, once deemed impossible, become merely improbable, or perhaps too costly or too difficult. A little more time passes, and the costs and difficulties recede, and new questions arise to tantalize the readers of speculative fiction. But old questions – some never previously asked – remain to be addressed. For example: Now that we can clone a human being, why would anyone do so?

     Which is part of the reason I wrote Innocents:

     “Forget it, Jules,” Celia said. “This is as close to can’t-happen as genetics gets. The sequencer assays were correct. Unless the gods of random chance are playing with our heads, Miss Mecking’s been cloned. But how?”
     “Either one of Anna’s cell nuclei and a bunch of her mitochondria were transplanted into a viable zygote,” Amanda said, “or a cell taken from her was somehow goosed into mitosis.”
     “Doesn’t matter,” Sokoloff said.
     “It doesn’t?” Trish said.
     “Nope,” he said. “Because the bastards who did it aren’t going to tell us.”
     Trish smirked. “Going to give them a chance, Lar?”
     He leveled a flat look at her. “Ask me again when we’ve got them in our sights.”
     Trish smiled tightly and nodded.
     He’s really going to go after them.
     This is for the big chips.

     She fished up her own resolve and scrutinized it.
     I’m going with him. No matter what he has to say about it.
     “It would be the technological miracle of the century, you know,” Amanda said.
     The flat look swerved to settle on Amanda Hallstrom.
     “To be used for what?” Sokoloff said.
     The dean of Athene Academy opened her mouth to speak, but no words came out. Sokoloff’s gaze weighed upon her.
     That’s his don’t-mess-with-me face.
     Sokoloff nodded.
     “I’ve been turning it over in my head,” he murmured after a moment, “and I can’t think of one morally acceptable reason to clone someone. Living or dead doesn’t matter.” He swept his gaze around the group. “Can anyone else?”
     No one spoke.
     “The people who did this,” he said, “did it to turn out a sex slave. Probably by request and to specification, and I’d bet my house that if they haven’t done it before, they’re trying to do it again right now. For that I’m going to send them all to hell. But think about it. Let’s say they were to clone me—produce a baby version of me. That baby would have no parents or other relatives. The people who produced him would have no reason to care for him, or about him, and only they would know he existed. He would be a product for sale. Why would anyone make that product? Why would anyone want that product? Apart from pure altruism?”
     “Altruism?” Trish said.
     “Yeah,” he said. “The kind that makes people take in stray dogs and cats. Think that’s likely?”
     Well, you did it.
     “The only reason to clone someone, other than the motives Fountain’s creators had, would be to replace him,” he said. “Or parts of him. And that means either murder, or enslavement, or cannibalism by surgeon. It’s evil no matter how you slice it.”
     “That’s if clones were granted the status and rights of people born the...regular way,” Juliette said. “What if they weren’t?”
     Sokoloff gestured at Fountain. Six pairs of eyes swung toward her. She remained still and silent.
     “That’s worse, isn’t it?” he said.
     Trish slid over next to Fountain and took her hand.
     “A lot worse,” she said.
     “Yeah,” Juliette said.

     This transformation of the question from “what if” to “why” is what makes cloning more than just a subject for technological speculation. It’s also the point at which a science fiction novel becomes something of interest to adults. Let’s have John Brunner’s Laws of Good Fiction, one more time:

  1. The raw material of fiction is people.
  2. The essence of story is change.

     It is in the exploration of human motivation – our values, desires, convictions, and how they actuate us – that fictional exploration of any “what if?” question becomes meritorious. It’s not enough to ask “what if?” A writer who wants to stir his readers must also ask “why?” And of course, “why not?”

     Consider the original, “raw” question: “What if we could clone people?” Try to construct an interesting story while leaving all motivational and moral considerations out of it. What happens next?

     Would people be cloned?
     Why?
     Who would be cloned, who would do so, and for what purposes?
     Would those purposes be morally acceptable?
     How would persons who deem them unacceptable react?

     You can’t avoid those questions, can you? Because that’s where any worthwhile story really lies: the reasons for which some people would clone some others, and how others, upon discovering that cloning was going on, would react.

     And that’s where the Left’s problem with the independent writers’ movement really lies.


     The cleavage between Left and Right is often cast as being about government scope and power. Certainly we disagree on the proper sphere of government authority and action. But that’s superficial compared to the cleavage between the two sides on moral matters.

     The Right is largely made up of persons whose convictions are founded on moral principles: absolute constraints on human behavior, on the grounds that certain things are simply morally wrong. The Left is largely made up of persons impatient with such notions, in part because they constitute constraints on its use of political power. The American Left’s core political problem is how to nullify, or otherwise circumvent, the moral principles of the great majority of Americans. Moreover, that’s been its challenge for more than a century.

     The Left’s “long march through the institutions” began with the communicative industries – journalism, education, and entertainment – because that’s where the power to mold people’s convictions lies. Without dominance of those fields, Americans’ longstanding attachment to Judeo-Christian moral precepts could never be overcome. By corollary, once the Left had attained hegemony in those areas, it had to become ruthless about defending them against incursion by the Right. Any and every tactic was deemed acceptable in the defense of those bastions.

     But once the plantation was wired for broadband, it was inevitable that some of us darkies would manage to bypass those bastions. Once a few of us had discovered that it’s possible to do so, the trickle mushroomed into a torrent. And what do you know? A great many of the indies in fiction, cinema, and journalism maintain the very moral principles the Left has been at pains to degrade and destroy.

     It was intolerable, and the Left could not tolerate it.

     The highest-visibility skirmishes have been over the “new gatekeepers” of the Internet: Google, Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, all of which have fallen in line with the “social justice warriors.” These companies can deny the use of their services to those they disapprove. They can’t prevent the emergence of competitors. They can maneuver and scheme. They can form a digital cartel centered on the maintenance of their dominance. But they can’t bar the doors as the gatekeepers of the older media once could.

     Thus, the indie-fiction market swells daily. “Citizen journalists” multiply as well. Documentarians such as Cassie Jaye use crowdfunding to explore unapproved subjects. The wiring is indifferent to the identities and motivations of its users.


     To defend its bastions better, the Left must find new tactics. Its old ones have demonstrably failed it. However, the new ones it’s tried have either proved ineffective, or have all too easily been turned against it. The one David Gerrold attempts in his Amazing Stories editorial:

     “So let’s have this conversation be about remembering our essential humanity — and what we must do to preserve it. It’s this simple. If someone is throwing shit, verbal or otherwise, silence is interpreted as agreement.”

     ...will fail it as well, because sincerely held moral principles cannot be delegitimized by screaming “That’s racist!” or “I’m offended!” The giveaway to Gerrold’s real motivations is only a few paragraphs below that one:

     You might have good points to make. You might even be right. But that conversation gets left behind when the louder voices are speaking racism, misogyny, and homophobia. If you aren’t equally loud in your condemnations, if you don’t distance yourself from the shit-flingers, then you will be perceived as an accomplice. You are perceived as an enabler. You will be perceived as “another one of them.”

     After the shitstorm the Left has unleashed against us in the Right, no one will much care about such sly “Do you want to be taken for one of them?” imputations. The wiring allows us to know one another too well for that: who’s decent, who’s sincere, and who can be trusted.


     There’s no way to replace the plantation’s wiring with barbed wire that will exclude disapproved voices. That train left the station two decades ago. Neither will any degree of condemnation from persons whom we in the Right already disdain make us fall silent, much less fall in line.

     That doesn’t mean they’ll cease to try it. What else do they have?

Tuesday, October 31, 2017

“Everybody,” Who?

     The squeaking and shrieking from the political class, its allied interest groups, and its allegiants in the media, has reached the pain threshold and rocketed beyond it. And Americans are increasingly tuning it out. That’s the good news.

     However, the reason Americans are tuning it out is an old saw that cuts straight through the heart of the American political system and its satellite institutions: “Everybody does it.” That’s the bad news.

     Did you ever rise bright and early in the morning, quaff an unexpectedly good cup of coffee, look with approval on an unblemished, wholly promising new day, then read the news and find yourself yearning for an absolute hereditary monarchy and the abolition of all technology more recent than the goose-quill pen? Yeah, me too.


     Sex scandals have been the grist of the media for many years. The tabloids used to feast on them. The media’s “official motto,” “If it bleeds, it leads,” rhymes, has excellent scansion, and is very compact, but the sotto voce codicil to it should receive more attention: “If it oozes from the genitals, it comes ahead of the bleeders.”

     And so we have all manner of media blaring at us about Harvey Weinstein, Woody Allen, and most recently Kevin Spacey. I have a lot of “Who cares?” moments, but this time around I was somewhat more engaged, largely because both the offenders and their defenders have been muttering not-so-silently that “everybody does it.” Hollywood’s “casting couches” have been an open secret for many decades. Given that most aspiring actors and actresses arrive in Tinseltown not knowing how to act and barely able to read a script, the very small number of capable directors and wealthy producers had to apply some discriminant to determine who should receive their attention.

     The defenders of the media figures embroiled in these matters aren’t quite ready to say “everybody does it” in a normal tone of voice. The obvious rejoinder – “Do you do it?” – is one they’d rather not face. All the same, you can hear it in the undercurrents beneath their deflections. You can also hear the unvoiced implication: “And it’ll keep on happening.”


     The recent indictment of Paul Manafort on federal conspiracy-to-defraud-the Treasury charges isn’t on all fours with the Hollywood sex scandals. That is, not quite. Oh, it’s front-page news, but mainly because the political Left is pressing its media allies to promote it. What’s more newsworthy is the use of the indictment to push another, far larger scandal back under the rug where the Left wants it to remain: the Uranium One deal and what it says about corruption in the Obama Administration, most notably former Secretary of State and failed presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.

     Here’s an interesting case where We the People are willing to grant that “everybody does it,” but the key aspect of the thing isn’t corruption. It’s partisanry. When a conservative or a Republican (NB: Not necessarily the same thing) is embroiled in a corruption scandal, the media is all over it like a cheap suit. Manafort, who was at one point a high official in the Trump for President campaign, gets the front-page-above-the-fold treatment from the media. Yet the far larger and politically and institutionally more significant Uranium One scandal has received virtually no air time or column-inches – because the perpetrators are Democrats and favorites of the media.

     Perhaps in this case, the “everybody does it” mantra applies more specifically to the media, which have picked political favorites and used their immense clout to promote them for more than a century. “Why else own a printing press?” they might say. Today the most precious possession of any “journalist” is access. To get access they must give something. As most “journalists” are on the Left, they know what to give and to whom to give it. Manus manum lavat, as the Romans liked to say.


     The worlds of politics and mass entertainment are structurally similar for several reasons. One of the most telling is how internally dependent both are on personal connections and favors. Ascent in politics and ascent in entertainment both require that someone already in the firmament look upon you with favor. In the usual case, that Established One will select from among those importuning him according to personal criteria: “What can I get him to do for me? Can I get something I want more from someone else for the same favor?”

     If you don’t think this is how politics operates, you’ve never attended a major party steering committee meeting. Quid pro quo is the operational guideline. The readiness of the media to offer assistance and the ability of the party to exploit its media connections are critical. Party platforms are unimportant. Principles? Don’t make me laugh.

     How did it get this way, when the Founding Fathers were men of such high principle and repute? Slowly, gradually, by easy stages, as with any transformation the transformers would prefer that you not notice until it’s irreversible. The degeneration from a constitutional federated republic to a demagogic pseudo-democracy took about a century and a quarter. There were a few visible signposts along the way, but most of the critical developments went unnoticed. Those that received public attention were magicked away by the media of the time, or exculpated by reference to some supposed necessity: e.g., “There’s a war on.”


     I could go on, but I think the point has been made. I hope it’s clear that what lit my boiler this morning, when I ought to be tacking up Hallowe’en bunting and performing desultory “quality control” on the goodies to be distributed, isn’t the scandals themselves but the distribution of finger-pointers and minimizers according to the political, ideological, and partisan connections of the players.

     Private citizens have good reason to suspect that everyone in both politics, entertainment, and the news media is at least a little soiled. It’s not true, of course, but as a working assumption it won’t often lead you wrong. Maybe not everybody in those fields “does it,” just as not everyone steals from the office supply cabinet. However, enough people do it, and enough other people dismiss the incidents that come to light with some variety of “everybody does it,” that the entire country is slowly but steadily being convinced that we’re all equally venal and equally rapacious.

     An important but generally overlooked novel of the Seventies, The Wanting of Levine, begins with a similar observation. I don’t have the book near to hand, but the opening passage notes that ordinary Americans, though they knew themselves to be good people and their neighbors to be good people, had been led by their media to believe that everyone, from high to low and including the reader himself, was venal and cruel – that “everybody does it,” for whatever tawdry, grasping, or vicious value of “it” you might care to apply.

     But not “everybody does it.” I don’t do “it,” and I’ll have nothing to do with anyone who does. I certainly won’t vote for him or patronize his news or entertainment medium. I suspect that my Gentle Readers feel much the same.

     To those who would dismiss the misbehavior of their favored ones with “everybody does it,” I maintain that the appropriate reply is “Really? Because I’m part of ‘everybody,’ and I don’t do it. Is this your way of telling me that you do?”

Sunday, October 15, 2017

Accusations

     Has anyone noticed just how ready far too many Americans are to believe an accusation over a denial – in fact, to regard the denial as proof of the accusation?

     Perhaps you have. I certainly have.


     I’ve told this little parable more than once, but its import keeps being missed:

     Some years ago, a theater impresario whom we shall call Smith, whose current production Hoity-Toity was, shall we say, not repaying its production costs received a phone call from Jones, a well-known reporter for the prestigious publication Theater Life. Their conversation ran as follows:

     "Mr. Smith," Jones said, "I'm calling to ask a few questions about Hoity-Toity."

     "Go right ahead," Smith said.

     "Well, first of all," Jones said, "the talk is that Hoity-Toity is falling deeply into arrears and will soon be closed. Is that the case?"

     Smith, a careful and experienced man, counted to ten before answering. "I would imagine that if I were to say no, your story in tomorrow's edition would be headlined 'Smith Denies Hoity-Toity Near To Closing.' Am I correct?"

     "Well, yes," Jones said. "Something like that, anyway."

     "Well, then," Smith said, "I'll answer your question if you'll answer one for me. How's that sound?"

     "Fair enough," Jones said warily. "What's your question?"

     "Mr. Jones, is it true that your wife has syphilis?"

     "What?" Jones shrieked. "Why are you asking me that? What put such an idea into your head?"

"Oh, you know how the rumor mill churns," Smith said breezily. "But, as it happens, you're on speakerphone and Davis is here from Variety. If you were to answer no, he might have a story in tomorrow's edition headlined 'Jones Denies Wife Has Syphilis.' What would you think of a story like that?"

     There was a long silence on the line. Finally, Jones said, "All right, Smith. I take your point."

     Now that’s a complete fiction, pulled out of the air by my excessively inventive imagination (which, for some reason or other, has refused to choose a new plot on which to set to work since I completed Innocents). But there’s a multiply verified anecdote about an American politician that’s eloquent on this point as well.

     The politician was running for a seat in Congress, and was having a hard time establishing a lead over his opponent. So he instructed an aide to circulate a rumor that the opponent was known to have sex with pigs.

     The aide was astonished. “How could we say such a thing? We know that’s not true.”

     The politician smiled grimly. “I know. I just want to hear him deny it.”

     The politician, who eventually became the 36th president of these United States, was Lyndon Baines Johnson.


     It’s not about truth or falsehood. It’s not even about our attraction to scandal. It’s about our propensity to believe the worst about others we don’t know personally, on virtually no evidence.

     A man of integrity, who holds himself to a moral-ethical standard, will not mount an accusation he knows is untrue. However, such a man, however strictly he regulates his own conduct, might suffer a flaw that’s common to good men: the tendency to believe that others’ ethics are the same as his. So when ethical man Smith hears an accusation from Jones, whom he knows only slightly, against complete unknown Davis, he’s likely to proceed from the assumption that Jones “wouldn’t say that if he didn’t sincerely believe it.” His willingness to believe the accusation won’t be much affected by his evaluation of Jones.

     What factors would enter into Smith’s acceptance or dismissal of the accusation?

  1. Stories he’d heard previously about Davis or the company he keeps;
  2. His opinion of some group to which Davis belongs (e.g., his religion, race, sex, or ethnicity);
  3. His opinion of Davis’s occupation;
  4. His political convictions.

     There may be other factors, but those are the most commonly effective.

     It is not entirely unfair or unwise for Smith to consider the first three of those things in forming his opinion of Jones’s accusation against Davis. We are routinely judged according to such matters. Juries do it all the time, and they’re not frequently wrong. But those considerations are peripheral to the substance of any accusation. Others are far more imperative:

  1. Were there witnesses to the event?
  2. Is there any circumstantial evidence?

     Item #4 is quite another matter.


     Activists on the Left have made a habit of denouncing anyone they disagree with as a “racist,” “sexist,” “homophobe,” “white supremacist,” or what have you, usually without any evidence whatsoever. This speaks to two characteristics of persons on the Left:

  1. Their “assumption of differential rectitude;”
  2. Their unwillingness to concede the integrity and sincerity of their political opponents.

     The first of those elements indemnifies them – to their own consciences if nothing else – for hurling scurrilous accusations potent enough to ruin the life of a good man. The second is built into the “compact and unified church” of the Left (Eric Hoffer): the premise that only those on the Left can be reasonable, moral, “compassionate,” and so forth.

     However, as Tom Kratman said in his postscript to A Desert Called Peace:

     [I]t has been said more than once that you should choose enemies wisely, because you are going to become just, or at least, much like them. The corollary to this is that your enemies are also going to become very like you....

     If I could speak now to our enemies, I would say: Do you kill innocent civilians for shock value? So will we learn to do, in time. Do you torture and murder prisoners? So will we. Are you composed of religious fanatics? Well, since humanistic secularism seems ill-suited to deal with you, don't be surprised if we turn to our churches and temples for the strength to defeat and destroy you. Do you randomly kill our loved ones to send us a message? Don't be surprised, then, when we begin to target your families, specifically, to send the message that our loved ones are not stationery.

     This seems lost on the current enemy, but then, he's insane. It's very sad. Yes, it's very sad for us, too.

     The Left should fear this dynamic. They’re in far more danger from it than we in the Right who’ve endured it for decades and have learned to shrug off their slanders. Yet there is danger to us, as well.


     I dislike the hurling of accusations “to see what sticks.” I particularly dislike accusations about attitudes, prejudicial or otherwise. But those, being inherently substanceless, can be “shrugged off” with a little practice, and the testimony of one’s family and friends. Accusations of criminal wrongdoing are a far more serious matter.

     Recently we’ve seen a few high-profile individuals drowned by such accusations. They may be true; they may not. But the part of a good man is not to assume guilt but rather innocence until guilt has been proved. That should go without saying, which makes the necessity of saying it painful. More, the presumption of innocence should not be conditional upon political affiliation.

     Good men do not slander others. It is especially vile, a clear violation of the Eighth Commandment, to do so for utilitarian reasons such as political gain. We should not make accusations of truly evil conduct without substantial evidence to support them. That the Left frequently does so does not license us to do likewise.

     You might want to consult Gary Condit on the subject.

Friday, March 31, 2017

A Quick And Unpleasant Speculation

     Developments from the relatively young field of genetic engineering have already rocked the world. Genetically modified crops are increasing yields beyond anything previously achieved. Progress is being made toward the swift improvement of various food animals by genesmithing, as opposed to the much slower path of selective breeding. It might not be much longer before the genome in a human zygote can be edited to undo conditions such as Trisomy-21 (Down’s Syndrome). All this makes the amount of money and brain power being poured into genetic engineering technology easy to understand: the prospects for further profits are considerable.

     There are other prospects as well, not all of them as savory as the correction of disabling conditions in a new human. We’ve heard the scuttlebutt about “designer babies,” but we’ve mostly comforted ourselves with self-reassurances that that possibility remains far off. Sex selection, okay. But babies designed from conception onward to be exactly what their parents want them to be? Not gonna happen real soon. We certainly don’t need to trouble ourselves over the moral implications just yet.

     I don’t think we can be confident about that any more.


     As if you needed to be reminded, I write fiction as well as these grotesquely fatiguing op-eds. The overwhelming majority of my stuff is speculative: fantasy, science fiction, and the occasional dab of quasi-horror. To write speculative fiction one must speculate: i.e., one must begin with a “what if” that departs from reality as we experience it today. The possibilities inherent in the genetic engineering of Mankind are a rich vein that spec-fic writers have tapped liberally.

     But as in all things human, motive matters. Some who practice genesmithing will do so with little or no thought for the well being of the creatures they produce. Some will be outright villains, intent upon turning out subhumans...or slaves.

     Think about this for a moment: There’s a lot of curiosity about human evolution. We have an incomplete fossil record of the progress of the hominid family. Australopithecus, Homo Habilis, Homo Erectus, Homo Neanderthalensis, Homo Sapiens... There’s something missing in there, some genetic long-jump that brought human intellect to its current elevation. How could we explore it most directly, discover the cause with the greatest degree of confidence? Why, by recreating all the links in the genetic progression, of course!

     Scared yet?


     The same techniques that could conceivably end all genetically-occasioned birth defects could also be used to produce monsters.

     Who would do such a thing, and why? Men of little skill or understanding, unaware of the consequences of their undertakings. Cruel men, who like to watch others suffer. Men with skill but without moral or ethical standards, who would produce distorted caricatures of humans for wealthy others ready, willing, and able to pay them. There may be other possibilities, but those are sufficient for now.

     The base stock for such horrors would be readily available: zygotes “left over” from in vitro fertilization efforts. Many would-be parents are unaware of what happens to such “leftovers.” Others are unconcerned about their fates; they’ve got their babies, so nothing else matters.

     Just about as soon as it can be done, it will be done – and no law or exercise of State power will prevent it.


     It is, of course, a commonplace to complain that men have hitherto used badly, and against their fellows, the powers that science has given them, But that is not the point I am trying to make. I am not speaking of particular corruptions and abuses which an increase of moral virtue would cure: I am considering what the thing called `Man's power over Nature' must always and essentially be. No doubt, the picture could be modified by public ownership of raw materials and factories and public control of scientific research. But unless we have a world state this will still mean the power of one nation over others. And even within the world state or the nation it will mean (in principle) the power of majorities over minorities, and (in the concrete) of a government over the people. And all long-term exercises of power, especially in breeding, must mean the power of earlier generations over later ones.

     [C. S. Lewis, The Abolition Of Man]

     Scientific and technological knowledge cannot be kept “under wraps.” Nature’s laws are written in the largest of fonts, readable by anyone with the wit and the will. It has never been possible to prevent some from learning and using what others have discovered. It never will be. The genetic engineering of human beings, or of creatures whose base stock is human, is coming.

     All the barriers to inhumanity and cruelty our prior incapacity placed around us will have fallen. All that will remain to inhibit the genetic engineers is whatever moral and ethical codes we manage to instill in the generations to come...and we may be sure that some will shrug those codes aside for the satisfaction of their curiosity, for sadistic gratification, or for profit.

     I’ve been writing about this: working title Innocents. Watch for it.

Thursday, January 5, 2017

Christianity And Community

     I’ve labored virtually the whole morning over what you’re about to read. Now that it’s finished, I’m disturbed by it. No, not because it’s incorrect, badly reasoned, or poorly written; because its implications are alarming in the extreme. I swore as I sat to my task that I would follow the evidence wherever it might lead me. Having done so, I find myself beset by a powerful need to “make it all go away.”

     If you’re interested in what animated it all, this piece at the Washington Post will provide some supplementary value.


     Over at Gab, where I occasionally participate, I was surprised to see another commenter post this:

     Regardless of whether or not you believe in Christianity, it is needed in order to strengthen the cultural identity of white people.

     As a Catholic Christian, I have no problem with any of that. But it pleased me greatly to encounter someone else aware of the importance of our Christian heritage. However, we must not leave it at that. The backdrop to the matter is critically important.

     Many will disagree with what I’m about to say. Some will be offended...not that anyone’s opinion could make it less true. Facts are like that – and this is a fact:

Christianity created what we call Western Civilization.
The West would not survive the disavowal of Christianity.
Neither would the white race.

     Christianity is the common ethical foundation of all Western nations. Christian ethics, where they can be reliably presumed, make commerce, the division of labor, and voluntary cooperation possible. Alongside that, note that wherever whites have flourished, Christianity was there from the first. Wherever whites are a persecuted minority, Christianity is absent, and usually not tolerated. Those nations that are drifting away from Christianity are reaping the whirlwind for it.

     Some who would demur would offer as “counter-evidence” the hostility toward Christianity found in some of the luminaries of the Enlightenment, such as Voltaire. (“Man will never be free until the last king has been strangled with the entrails of the last priest” makes his opinion rather plain, doesn’t it?) But by now we should all know that he who is a genius in one field can be a total dunce in another.

     Christian colonial missionaries to Africa are largely responsible for what civilization can be found there. Where Christianity remains strong, there is a modicum of order and decency. Where Christianity has been expelled, or has been displaced as the natives reverted to tribalism and pagan shamanism, disorder and violent predation are prevalent. Moreover, black populations outside Africa show the same correlation. That, too, is a fact.

     Those nations where Christian allegiances have waned but a semblance of Western Civilization remains are running on a sort of momentum, an inherited social and ethical webwork beneath which the departure of Christianity has left a void. That webwork has begun to fray badly. The morals and ethics bequeathed to us by Christianity are supremely difficult to sustain vertically, through the generations, once severed from their Christian foundation.


     Christianity, from the very first, incorporated a sense of community: a bond among the Christians of a place independent of their variations in age, occupation, pastimes, or what-have-you. Indeed, in the earliest Christian parishes each member was expected to know all the others. More, they were expected to strive to be well-disposed toward the others: courteous in social or incidental contact, trustworthy in trade and cooperative concerns, and charitable toward those in need through no fault of their own. The bond was kept vital by involvement in the parish itself: its rituals, its festivals, and its celebrations of births, deaths, and marriages.

     After the Civil War, when the social and commercial interpenetration of the white and black races began in earnest, Christianity was the bridge. Blacks who embraced Christianity were accepted as trustworthy members of the community; blacks who did not were regarded more warily. This pattern is still observable today: there’s greater racial harmony in those regions of the United States where black Christian churches are strong than in those where they command few adherents. Community bonds trump racial differences.

     It is possible that no mingling of the races would have worked were it not for the Christian dictum to “love your neighbor as you love yourself.” Tranquil multiracial and multiethnic societies where Christianity is feeble or absent are very few.


     Among the most significant differences between our age and times past is the great quantity of laments over “alienation” and lack of “communication.” It’s becoming ever more difficult for Smith to be sure that he can trust Jones, or to be sure that he can understand Jones to mean what he says. Jones, of course, feels the same way about Smith. This is the direct consequence of moral relativism, especially in its multicultural garb. Culture cannot be separated from ethics.

     Ethical principles of the Christian sort can be arrived at rationally – i.e., without an appeal to Divine authority – but few persons possess the intellectual power required for the job. Those principles are best inculcated in one’s children “at their mother’s knee.” Christianity is a supremely powerful aid to that process; without it, Mom is reduced to trying to reason with that least reasonable of creatures, the unruly child. Thus, should Generation N lapse in its attachment to Christianity, it becomes more likely that Generation N+1 will contain a large proportion of ethically uncivilized persons.

     Not coincidentally, the secular tend not to bond to a community. No matter how much real estate they acquire or where, they remain nearly as unrooted as “drifters.” This is most observably the case among the unmarried. Worse, marriages of the secular sort have been displaying a mayfly-like longevity.


     A fully secular culture will lack both a common ethics and enduring communities. The commonalities among its citizens will be superficial, too thin to sustain Western ethics against the human impulse to manipulate others for personal gain. Tragically, pressures arising from Man’s quest for greater knowledge, greater control of his environment, and greater control of his own destiny will play a large part. Creeds that emphasize power and personal aggrandizement will flower in the void created by Christianity’s departure.

     C. S. Lewis noted this in That Hideous Strength:

     The sciences, good and innocent in themselves, had even in Ransom's own time begun to be subtly manoeuvred in a certain direction. Despair of objective truth had been increasingly insinuated into the scientists’ indifference to it, and a concentration upon power had been the result. Babble about the élan vital and flirtations with pan-psychism were bidding fair to restore the Anima Mundi of the magicians. Dreams of the far future destiny of man were dragging up from its shallow and unquiet grave the old dream of Man as God. The very experiences of the pathological laboratory were breeding a conviction that the stifling of deep set repugnances was the first essential for progress. And now all this had reached the stage at which its dark contrivers thought they could safely begin to bend it back so that it would meet that other and earlier kind of power. Indeed, they were choosing the first moment at which this could have been done. You could not have done it with nineteenth-century scientists. Their firm objective materialism would have excluded it from their minds; and their inherited morality would have kept them from touching dirt. MacPhee was a survivor from that tradition. It was different now. Perhaps few or none at Belbury knew what was happening: but once it happened, they would be like straw in fire. What should they find incredible, since they believed no longer in a rational universe? What should they regard as too obscene, since they held that all morality was a mere subjective by-product of the physical and economic situations of men? [Emphasis added by FWP.]

     This isn’t the way I’d originally intended to close this essay, but the thought pressed itself upon me with too much urgency to resist:

     If you want to be able to trust those around you...
     If you yearn to be part of a mutually supportive community...
     If you seek to instill in your children a sense of safety and acceptance...

     ...need I say more?