Sunday, November 23, 2025

For The Feast of Christ The King

     [Today is the Feast of Christ The King, which falls on the last Sunday before Advent. It’s a unique holy day for several reasons, and one that I find particularly personally significant. It first appeared at Eternity Road on January 6, 2008. I find that I cannot improve upon it, for which reason I've made a habit of reviving it each year on this special day. -- FWP]

    


     Let's talk about...Zoroastrianism!

    

***

     The ancient creed called Zoroastrianism predated the birth of Christ by about a millennium. Its founder, Zoroaster, laid down a small set of doctrines:

  • There is one universal and transcendental God, Ahura Mazda, the one uncreated creator and to whom all worship is ultimately directed.
  • Ahura Mazda's creation — evident as asha, truth and order — is the antithesis of chaos, evident as druj, falsehood and disorder. The resulting conflict involves the entire universe, including humanity, which has an active role to play in the conflict.
  • Active participation in life through good thoughts, good words and good deeds is necessary to ensure happiness and to keep the chaos at bay. This active participation is a central element in Zoroaster's concept of free will, and Zoroastrianism rejects all forms of monasticism.
  • Ahura Mazda will ultimately prevail, at which point the universe will undergo a cosmic renovation and time will end. In the final renovation, all of creation — even the souls of the dead that were initially banished to "darkness" — will be reunited in Ahura Mazda.
  • In Zoroastrian tradition, the malevolent is represented by Angra Mainyu, the "Destructive Principle", while the benevolent is represented through Ahura Mazda's Spenta Mainyu, the instrument or "Bounteous Principle" of the act of creation. It is through Spenta Mainyu that Ahura Mazda is immanent in humankind, and through which the Creator interacts with the world. According to Zoroastrian cosmology, in articulating the Ahuna Vairya formula, Ahura Mazda made His ultimate triumph evident to Angra Mainyu.
  • As expressions and aspects of Creation, Ahura Mazda emanated seven "sparks", the Amesha Spentas, "Bounteous Immortals" that are each the hypostasis and representative of one aspect of that Creation. These Amesha Spenta are in turn assisted by a league of lesser principles, the Yazatas, each "Worthy of Worship" and each again a hypostasis of a moral or physical aspect of creation.

     I find nothing objectionable in the above, except that only God, by whatever name He might be known, is worthy of worship; the most a lesser being is entitled to is veneration. But the word "worship" has had many meanings and subtleties over the years, so I'm inclined to let it pass. More important than Zoroastrianism's harmless mythos is its ethos, which Zoroaster himself encapsulated in a unique and memorable command:

    

Speak truth and shoot the arrow straight.

     Unlike the overwhelming majority of other pre-Christian creeds, Zoroastrianism was -- and is -- rational, humane, and life-loving rather than life-denying. It emphasized human free will, moral choice, and the need to defend truth and order against lies and chaos. These attributes made it the dominant religion of classical Persia and environs, though Zoroastrians' numbers are far reduced today.

     (No, I haven't converted to Zoroastrianism. You can all relax.)

     In the Western world, the Zoroastrians were the first practitioners of the pseudo-science we call astrology. They reposed a fair amount of confidence in it, for the creed had had its own prophets, beginning with Zoroaster himself, and among the prophecies were several tied to events foretold to happen in the night sky. The Zoroastrians therefore took great interest in the stars, and made careful records of occurrences therein, for comparison to the utterances of their prophets.

     One of those prophecies involved the birth of God in mortal flesh.

     The Magi of the Incarnation story were three esteemed nobles of Persia, wealthy in gold, wisdom, and the admiration of their societies. In contrast to the pattern prevalent among the nobilities of later times, these three, whose names have come down to us as Caspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, were deeply religious men whose involvement in the investigation of the Zoroastrian prophecies was sincere. When they spied the famous "star in the east" -- quite possibly a nova in Draco now known to have occurred at about that time -- they resolved to follow its trail, to find the divine infant and pay him homage.

     I shan't retell the whole of the story. It's accessible to anyone reading this site, in both secular and liturgical versions. The most salient aspect of the story is that these three exalted nobles -- kings, in the most common accounts -- of a faraway land came to pay homage and present tokens of vassalage to a newborn infant.

     Of course! What else would be appropriate, before a King of Kings?

    

***

     I will pause here to draw an important distinction: "King of Kings" is not the same as "Emperor." "Emperor" is a title appropriate only to a conqueror; that's more or less what it means. Atop that, an emperor is not necessarily concerned with justice, whereas a king, of whatever altitude, is obliged to make it the center of his life:

     The saber gleamed in the muted light. I'd spent a lot of time and effort sharpening and polishing it.

     It was a plain weapon, not one you'd expect to see in the hand of a king. There was only the barest tracing on the faintly curved blade. The guard bell was a plain steel basket, without ornamentation. The hilt was a seven inch length of oak, darkened with age but firm to the touch. There was only a hint of a pommel, a slight swell of the hilt at its very end.

     "What is this?"

     "A sword. Your sword."

     A hint of alarm compressed his eyes. "What do you expect me to do with it?"

     I shrugged. "Whatever you think appropriate. But a king should have a sword. By the way," I said, "it was first worn by Louis the Ninth of France when he was the Dauphin, though he set it aside for a useless jeweled monstrosity when he ascended the throne."

     Time braked to a stop as confusion spun his thoughts.

     "I don't know how to use it," he murmured.

     "Easily fixed. I do."

     "But why, Malcolm?"

     I stepped back, turned a little away from those pleading eyes.

     "Like it or not, you're a king. You don't know what that means yet. You haven't a sense for the scope of it. But you must learn. Your life, and the lives of many others, will turn on how well you learn it." I paused and gathered my forces. "What is a king, Louis?"

     He stood there with the sword dangling from his hand. "A ruler. A leader. A warlord."

     "More. All of that, but more. The sword is an ancient symbol for justice. Back when the function of nobility was better understood, a king never sat his throne without his sword to hand. If he was to treat with the envoy of another king, it would be at his side. If he was to dispense justice, it would be across his knees. Why do you suppose that was, Louis?"

     He stood silent for a few seconds.

     "Symbolic of the force at his command, I guess."

     I shook my head gently.

     "Not just symbolic. A true king, whose throne belonged to him by more than the right of inheritance, led his own troops and slew malefactors by his own hand. The sword was a reminder of the privilege of wielding force, but it was there to be used as well."

     His hands clenched and unclenched in time to his thoughts. I knew what they had to be.

     "The age of kings is far behind us, Malcolm."

     "It never ended. Men worthy of the role became too few to maintain the institution."

     "And I'm...worthy?"

     If he wasn't, then no worthy man had ever lived, but I couldn't tell him that.

     "There's a gulf running through the world, Louis. On one side are the commoners, the little men who bear tools, tend their gardens, and keep the world running. On the other are the nobles, who see far and dare much, and sometimes risk all they have, that the realm be preserved and the commoner continue undisturbed in his portion. There's no shortage of either, except for the highest of the nobles, the men of unbreakable will and moral vision, for whom justice is a commitment deeper than life itself."

     His face had begun to twitch. He'd heard all he could stand to hear, and perhaps more. I decided to cap the pressure.

     "Kings have refused their crowns many times, Louis. You might do as much, though it would sadden me to see it. But you could break that sword over your knee, change your name, and run ten thousand miles to hide where no one could know you, and it wouldn't lessen what you are and were born to be." I gestured at the sword. "Keep it near you."

     [From Chosen One.]

     Note further: a mortal king cannot and does not define justice; he dispenses justice, according to principles drawn from a higher authority. The King of Kings, from whom the privilege and obligation to mete justice flows, is the definer. In the matter of Law, all lesser kings are His vassals.

     The Magi conceded this explicitly with their gift of gold.

    

***

     The pre-Christian era knew few, if any, rulers who claimed their jurisdiction solely on basis of might. Nearly all were approved and anointed by a priesthood. In that anointment lay their claim to be dispensers of true justice, for God would not allow a mortal to mete justice that departs from His Law. Let's leave aside the divergence between theory and practice for the moment; it was the logical connection between Divine Law and human-modulated justice that mattered to the people of those times.

     But the King of Kings would need no clerical approval. Indeed, He would be the Priest of Priests: the Authority lesser priests would invoke in anointing lesser kings.

     The Magi conceded this explicitly with their gift of frankincense.

    

***

     We of the Twenty-First Century are largely unaware of the obligations which lay upon the kings of old. They were not, until the waning years of monarchy, sedentary creatures whose lives were a round of indulgences and propitiations. They were expected not merely to judge and pass sentence, but also to lead the armies of the realm when war was upon it. The king was expected to put himself at risk before any of his subjects. Among the reasons was this one: the loss of the king in battle was traditionally grounds for surrender, after which the enemy was forbidden by age-old custom to strike further blows.

     The king, in this conception, was both the leader of his legions and a sacrifice for the safety of his subjects, should the need arise. He was expected to embrace the role wholeheartedly, and to lead from the front in full recognition of the worst of the possibilities. Not to do so was an admission that he was unfit for his throne:

     "We have talked," he said, "about all the strategies known to man for dealing with an armed enemy. We have talked about every aspect of deadly conflict. Every moment of every discussion we've had to date has been backlit by the consciousness of objectives and costs: attaining the one and constraining the other. And one of the first things we talked about was the importance of insuring that you don't overpay for what you seek."

     She kept silent and listened.

     "What if you can't, Christine? What if your objective can't be bought at an acceptable price?"

     She pressed her lips together, then said, "You abandon it."

     He smirked. "It's hard even to say it, I know. But reality is sometimes insensitive to a general's desires. On those occasions, you must learn how to walk away. And that, my dear, is an art form of its own."

     He straightened up. "Combat occurs within an envelope of conditions. A general doesn't control all those conditions. If he did, he'd never have to fight. Sometimes, those conditions are so stiff that he's compelled to fight whether he thinks it wise, or not."

     "What conditions can do that to you?"

     His mouth quirked. "Yes, what conditions indeed?"

     Oops. Here we go again. "Weather could do it."

     "How?"

     "By cutting off your lines of retreat in the face of an invasion."

     "Good. Another."

     "Economics. Once the economy of your country's been militarized, it runs at a net loss, so you might be forced to fight from an inferior position because you're running out of resources."

     "Excellent. One more."

     She thought hard. "Superior generalship on the other side?"

     He clucked in disapproval. "Does the opponent ever want you to fight?"

     "No, sorry. Let me think."

     He waited.

     Conditions. Conditions you can't control. Conditions that...control you.

     "Politics. The political leadership won't accept retreat or surrender until you've been so badly mangled that it's obvious even to an idiot."

     The man Louis Redmond had named the greatest warrior in history began to shudder. It took him some time to quell.

     "It's the general's worst nightmare," he whispered. "Kings used to lead their own armies. They used to lead the cavalry's charge. For a king to send an army to war and remain behind to warm his throne was simply not done. Those that tried it lost their thrones, and some lost their heads -- to their own people. It was a useful check on political and military rashness.

     "It hasn't been that way for a long time. Today armies go into the field exclusively at the orders of politicians who remain at home. And politicians are bred to believe that reality is entirely plastic to their wills."

     [From On Broken Wings.]

     But the King of Kings, intrinsically above all other authorities, would obviously be aware of this obligation. More, His sacrifice of Himself must perforce be for the salvation of the whole of the world -- indeed, the whole of the universe and every sentient creature in it. Nothing less could possibly justify it.

     The Magi conceded this explicitly with their gift of myrrh.

    

***

     On the first Sunday after the New Year, Christians celebrate the Feast of the Epiphany, called the Theophany by some eastern Christian sects, when the Magi prostrated themselves before the Christ Child and made their gifts of vassalage to him. A vassal is a noble sworn to fealty to a higher authority: a higher-ranking noble or a king. The obligations of the vassal are to enforce justice as promulgated by the vassal's liege, and to support and defend the liege's realm by force of arms as required. To the King of Kings, God made flesh in the miracle of the Incarnation, every temporal authority is properly a vassal, obliged to mete justice in accordance with the natural law and to defend the Liege's realm -- men of good will, wherever they may be -- against all enemies, whenever the need might arise. To do less is to be unworthy of a temporal throne, palace, official office, or seat in a legislature...to be unworthy of Him.

     He took on the burdens of the flesh to confirm God's love for Man and to open the gates of salvation. He went to Calvary in testament to the authenticity of His Authority. The Magi knew, and in their pledge of fealty to Him, made plain that He had come not merely to succor Israel, but for the liberation of all Mankind.

     May God bless and keep you all.

Saturday, November 22, 2025

Giveaway Time

     I warned my Gentle Readers that I’d be moving somewhat away from political blogging, at least doing less of it. So please don’t be too put out by the increasing frequency of posts related to fiction, faith, and other (hopefully) non-political subjects.

     Today’s post is for other fiction writers, as I find that I have an idea to give away. I have too many to exploit, so why not leave them for others who might find them appealing? And this one strikes me as unusually fertile.

     It’s essentially this: a researcher, at first involved in the search for a way to record memories directly from the brain, happens upon a technique for transferring pain from one person to another. The donor – i.e., the person previously experiencing the pain – loses it; the receptor – i.e. the person who will suffer in the donor’s place – gets it instead.

     Clearly, this would be a valuable service. Many a donor would pay handsomely for such relief. And, as Mankind is full of all types of people, there would be many willing receptors... if you were to pay them enough. The company’s revenue, if any, would be in the difference between the fee paid by donor and the one paid to the receptor.

     But donor and receptor must be linked to the device simultaneously. Thus, commercial viability requires skill not only in finding desperate donors and willing receptors, but in matching them and getting them together. It’s here that the complexities arise, for several reasons:

  • Not all receptors are willing to accept every kind of pain, regardless of intensity.
  • Not all donors can pay enough to attract a receptor willing to endure the pain for a slightly lower fee.
  • Donor and receptor will probably be most willing if neither knows the other’s identity.
  • They must be “co-schedulable:” i.e., available at the same times, and with all money matters agreed.

     Those are merely the immediate practical problems. They can be solved, with a little work. But the second-order effects would be far more troublesome:

  • Medical insurance companies will be pressed to cover the “treatment.”
  • Donors will want it to be covered by Medicare.
  • “Victim” groups will agitate for free or deeply discounted access. (“It’s our right!”)
  • Some donors will claim that their pain returned; therefore they’ll sue for a refund.
  • The federal government will seek to regulate or nationalize the device.
  • Foreign governments will claim it “should” be available worldwide – and for free.

     That’s probably not the end of the list. But it’s still early in the morning.

     Anyone who thinks he can do justice to the possibilities that flow from such a device is welcome to use the above. It’s yours for free, though an acknowledgement in your Afterword would be nice. And as I wrote this, a new possibility occurred to me: What if the pain-transference device cannot be duplicated? What would follow from that?

     The world is full of untold stories, Gentle Reader. One is probably floating your way as you read this. Grab it and tell it!

Friday, November 21, 2025

"We The People," Who?

     [The piece below first appeared at the Eternity Road website in June of 2007 -- FWP]

     In mid-2004, there was born a Website which proposed to hold an international plebiscite on the upcoming American elections. The thesis was that since what the United States does "affects" the entire world -- yes, those are "sneer quotes" -- then the world should have as much say in the selection of American officialdom as the American citizens do. Say what you will about the "logic" behind such a proposition, we must grant its audacity at the very least.

     That campaign season also featured a letter-writing campaign by British glitterati, including rabid anti-theist Richard Dawkins and hack novelist David Cornwell (a.k.a. "John LeCarre"), to voters in selected American "swing states." The writers urged their American targets to vote for the Democratic presidential nominee, John Kerry -- say, did you know he served in Vietnam? Imagine that! -- on the grounds that President Bush was "stupid," a "bully," a "theocrat," was "universally hated," was waging "an illegal war," or any possible combination thereof. And with that, your Curmudgeon's sneer-quote key has breathed its last, at least for today.

     The supranationalist assumptions behind these phenomena are easily destroyed. Yes, America has great influence in the world; we Americans, a mere 5% of the population of the world, generate more than 30% of its wealth and wield armed forces that could defeat all the other nations of the world in concert. But that's not because of our government, but because of the governments of all the other nations of the world. Our government, despite its many flaws and violations of its Constitutional contract, doesn't exercise the kind of power over American enterprise that other governments do over the productive efforts of their subjects. America's magnificent military is the consequence of the wealth that flows from our largely free economy and relatively restrained welfare system. Heavily regulated and bureaucratized economies, which must also carry the burden of much larger welfare states, can't afford worthwhile militaries, which is why ours is so frequently called upon to deal with tyrants and terrors.

     (Nota bene: A citizen is one who retains his individual sovereignty despite his allegiance to a particular polity. His distinguishing characteristic is his right to keep and bear arms. A subject is one who has no individual sovereignty, having surrendered all ultimate decision-making power to the State. His lack of a right to keep and bear arms, which renders him defenseless against incursions on any of his other rights, is the most prominent giveaway. The United States has citizens; most of the rest of the nations of the world have subjects. Food for thought.)

     But we can't expect to defeat supranationalism -- broadly, the premise that nation-states are inimical to the general good and should be done away with -- with mere logic. The supranationalist is adroit. He argues from his good intentions. Wouldn't it be nice if everyone had a say in everything that affects him in any way? And since every slightest thing that anyone does, anywhere in the world, affects all of us in some way, however small, doesn't that imply that democracy should be unbounded by these Westphalian fossils we call nation-states?

     Well, if you buy the premise, you buy the conclusion. But the premise is itself unsound. Indeed, it's about as risible as the arguments made for slavery, with which it has a great deal in common. And Eternity Road readers are unlikely to accept supranationalism anyway, so what's the big deal?

     The big deal is this: whenever a government compromises its nation's integrity for the sake of another nation, or the subjects of another nation, it's acting from the supranationalist premise. In so doing, it degrades the interests of its own people, implicitly or explicitly to favor other peoples. It ceases to act as its citizens' delegated agent, and assumes the prerogatives of their owner, who may dispose of their rights and prerogatives as it pleases, without their consent.

     Two particularly egregious cases of this are in motion today.

     In the Middle East, the Palestinian irredentists of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are engaged in a particularly bloody civil war. Their quarrel with one another is purely over power. Neither side deserves the support of a decent man; both are committed to the ultimate destruction of Israel. If Israel's statesmen regarded themselves as the servants of Israel rather than its masters, they would seize this opportunity to perfect the quarantine of the Palestinian zones. They would cease all quasi-diplomatic intercourse with the Palestinians "for the duration," a period of convenient elasticity. They certainly wouldn't look for guidance to the supranational United Nations or European Union, both of which have displayed uncompromising hostility toward Israel for many years. But the Olmert government is behaving in precisely the opposite way, attempting to conciliate and buttress Mahmoud Abbas and his Fatah faction in the hope that it will prevail and reach a peace accord with Israel in the aftermath. This is like taking sides in a knife fight between murderers; the only decent course is to root for both sides to lose.

     Here in the West, we have the spectacle of a majority of our Congressmen and Senators, and our president himself, bowing to the demands of our neighbor to the south that we not fortify our mutual border. Legislation from 2006 mandates a border fence, but there's been little funding provided for it and little to no work on it. The disproportionate participation of illegal aliens in felony crimes is widely known, yet there've been scant efforts to impede the movement or employment of illegal aliens already in our land. The infamous immigration reform bill gestating in Congress even offers a cheap amnesty to the estimated 12 million illegals to whom we're already hosts, conciliating them above 290 million born and naturalized citizens to whom our government is supposedly subordinate.

     One can suspect corruption and venality, of course. No doubt they play some part in both cases. But the arguments used to rationalize the objectionable postures are almost explicitly supranationalist. It's the people that matter, not the borders. And anyway, think of the kids.

     Wrong, wrong, wrong.

     Borders matter because people matter. Borders are important because there must be a limit on every man's responsibilities for others, and on every nation's, too. Every political system binds its citizens in a web of mutual responsibility. Not for everything, but for the really big things commonly delegated to government: the defense of the realm, the maintenance of order in the streets, a common, generally comprehended legal system, and above all the protection of individuals' rights to life, liberty, and honestly acquired property. Israel granted the Palestinians autonomy within their zones, or, as Eric Frank Russell once put it, "the right to go to Hell in their own fashion." Now that they've chosen their course, they should be allowed to follow it to its conclusion, out of respect not only for their right to do so, but the right of Israelis not to be involved in it. Likewise, America did not agree to shelter or employ the whole world. If our borders were better secured, not only would our streets be safer, but Mexicans' interest in reforming their own polity would be greatly increased.

     Don't say any of that to a supranationalist, though. He'll accuse you of being hard-hearted, a jingoist, possibly a racist. He'll call you an ingrate for spurning the innumerable contributions of undocumented Americans to our great nation, though if these contributions go beyond cheap lawn care and abundant convenience-store clerks, your Curmudgeon has yet to discover it. He'll stride away filled with moral superiority and reinforced in his conviction that we grubby conservatives have nothing of substance to say, and must be re-educated or destroyed.

     Be not afraid to reject the supranationalist premise. Be very afraid of what might follow in supranationalism's train. Its advocates are mobilized as never before. Their agenda goes well beyond what's currently under discussion. We shall see.

Locating The State Part 2

Drive your cattle to the woods, Francois,
The lord is looking your way.
Hide your women and your goods, Francois,
They’re coming around to make you pay.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.

[Tom Paxton, “When Princes Meet”]

     In the previous piece, I focused on the question of who actually wields the power of the State, especially in those instances when it impinges on common citizens. For those are the times when State power is impossible to ignore: the times when the peasants drive their cattle to the woods, hide their women and valuables, and do their best to become invisible.

     A dear, departed friend named Ed who shared my detestation of the State once hauled me up short as I ranted. “Abolishing the political State would be nice,” he said, “but it wouldn’t be the end of the thing. States exist because there are people who love power. Take the political State away from them and they’ll just change colors. They’ll adapt! Humans are good at that, remember?”

     Ed then cited vigilance committees and lynch mobs. “They wielded the same power as an ‘official’ State. They just did it informally, and for a shorter time. Then there’s guilds and trade unions. Even when there was no ‘official’ State to back them up, they wielded State powers. Wherever you have a local preponderance of force and the will to use it, you have a State.”

     I didn’t argue the point. Ed was right. It shed a new and fresh light on the matter.

     Where would we find such “local preponderances of force” today?


     Everybody’s got his own pet peeve. Some of those peeves arise from the “busybody” impulse that’s more prevalent among us than ever. For there are many persons whose whole lives revolve around their desire to interfere in others’ lives and businesses. They know “how things ought to be.” All too frequently they find like-minded souls to collaborate with them.

     One of the premier examples of this in our time is the “homeowners’ association” or HOA.

     I was greatly amused to note the proliferation of stories, on YouTube in particular, about battles between homeowners and the tiny totalitarians who always seem to dominate an HOA. I suspect that they’re largely generated by AI composition. Still, the number of them speaks to the superfluity of the meddling impulse. The phenomenon moved Eric Hoffer to comment thus:

     A man is likely to mind his own business when it is worth minding. When it is not, he takes his mind off his own meaningless affairs by minding other people's business...The vanity of the selfless, even those who practice the utmost humility, is boundless.

     Indeed.

     Yet HOAs, no matter who dominates them constitute States de facto. They wield coercive power. All too frequently they go unopposed, even when their demands are unjustified by the organization’s charter. They who run them and the others who back them, actively or passively, are doing State work.

     Completely informal groups that arise to put pressure on others have the same character, even if they refrain (or are prevented) from using force. One such figured in my own young life:

     A family not far from us had domestic troubles. She slapped him one night, and he responded by shoving her through a screen door, which occasioned a visit to the local hospital for her, a visit from an impromptu decency committee for him, and departure from town for the two of them, soon afterward.

     Such incidents might seem trivial at the time, but the desire for power over others – to insert oneself and one’s convictions into another’s life and make him behave — that animates them is anything but trivial. Even when the great majority agree with the necessity of wielding or threatening coercive force, that desire must be recognized – and curbed.


     I’ve said at other times and places that the American mantra should be Mind your own business, as it once was. These days, There ought to be a law is heard more frequently. That speaks to the ascension of a poisonous proclivity: the belief that interfering in others’ lives is right and proper as long as you can get a majority to back you.

     Rather than beat this into the magma layer, allow me to suggest only this: Try each phrase in your own mouth and mind. Which tastes better? Which strikes you as a better prescription for a peaceful society?

     The choice, Gentle Reader, is yours.

Thursday, November 20, 2025

A Tale For Our Time

     This comes from a British writer who has asked that his name be withheld:

It snowed last night...
8:00 am: I made a snowman.
8:10 - A feminist passed by and asked me why I didn't make a snow woman.
8:15 - So, I made a snow woman.
8:17 - My feminist neighbor complained about the snow woman's voluptuous chest saying it objectified snow women everywhere.
8:20 - The gay couple living nearby threw a hissy fit and moaned it could have been two snow men instead.
8:22 - The transgender man... women... person asked why I didn't just make one snow person with detachable parts.
8:25 - The vegans at the end of the lane complained about the carrot nose, as veggies are food and not to decorate snow figures with.
8:28 - I was being called a racist because the snow couple is white.
8:31 - The Middle Eastern gent across the road demanded the snow woman be covered up .
8:40 - The Police arrived saying someone had been offended.
8:42 - The feminist neighbor complained again that the broomstick of the snow woman needed to be removed because it depicted women in a domestic role.
8:43 - The council equality officer arrived and threatened me with eviction.
8:45 - TV news crew from BBC showed up. I was asked if I know the difference between snowmen and snow-women? I replied "Snowballs" and am now called a sexist.
9:00 - I was on the News as a suspected terrorist, racist, homophobe sensibility offender, bent on stirring up trouble during difficult weather.
9:10 - I was asked if I have any accomplices. My children were taken by social services.
9:29 - Far left protesters offended by everything marched down the street demanding for me to be arrested.
By noon it had all melted.

Moral: There is no moral to this story. It is what we have become, all because of snowflakes.

     I cannot attest to the veracity of this story, but it certainly sounds true!

Wednesday, November 19, 2025

Something New And Quirky

     Many people think of boredom as a curse. I can’t imagine why. Boredom has been the source of all my best ideas... well, all right, some of my worst ones, too. Still, I find it a fertile medium for new and unexplored possibilities.

     Some time ago, Smashwords, where I first published my books, offered its writers space in which to post “interviews.” Mind you, Smashwords personnel didn’t conduct any interviews; they just gave you a space for one. Being a whimsical sort, I posted an “interview” with various of my fictional characters:

    Q: Mr. Porretto, just what is going on here? I didn’t ask to have my office jammed with all these bodies.
     Fran Porretto: Rather than do a “straight” interview, which tends to bring out my discursive nature, I thought I might change things up a little. So I rounded up some of my favorite characters and brought them here so you can talk to them. Enjoy! I always do.

     And so on.

     Well, just a few days ago, I got into a conversation with writer Abigail Lakewood, who also reviews books on Substack. Somehow, she caused Substack to start another account – for my old protagonist Armand Morelon, of the Spooner Federation Saga. It probably happened because I masquerade as Armand on X.

     Well, I was just a little bored at the time, so I wrote this:

     Good morning / afternoon / evening / night / whatever. If you’ve never made the acquaintance of a planetary Overmind before this, it can be a little overwhelming. But then, think of me! I have the whole of Hope to supervise. It can be quite busy, now and then.
     But enough of that. Hope, if you’re not yet aware of it, was settled in the Terrestrial 27th Century by a group of anarchists. They were driven from Earth under the threat of extinction by the States that oppress that unhappy world. They had to re-engineer a wandering planetoid into a starship to do so.
     It was quite a trip...

     And so on.

     But that got me thinking: Why not have Armand’s site be a place where characters from fiction – my own and perhaps that of others, as well – can get together to shoot the breeze? It could be good exercise for the imagination. Mine could use some, just now.

     So hold onto this link, and visit every so often. You might get a few laughs out of it. A laugh is something we can all use, no?

Tuesday, November 18, 2025

Locating The State

     Brownstone Institute president Jeffrey A. Tucker has produced a wide-ranging, yet notably compact essay that addresses several questions at once:

  1. What is the State?
  2. Whence does it arise?
  3. Who really wields its powers?
  4. Where do we look for its governor?

     I use governor above in its original, mechanical sense: a mechanism that limits the action of another mechanism. For those who insist that the State is “a necessary evil,” this is a critical consideration. Those who pursue power most successfully want it for its own sake. It follows that once they have it, they’ll delight in exercising it. But throughout recorded history, there’s always been something that limits such exercises of power. Where shall we look for it?

     America’s Founding Fathers believed it to be the consent of the governed. They sought to equip “the governed” with a written Constitution and a guarantee that “the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.” Their counterparts in the several colonies followed in their train. Thus, the great body of the public would always be capable of reining in the State, and – hopefully – correcting its excesses.

     Any fairly observant American will know that it hasn’t worked out quite as the Founders hoped. But owing to our heavily armed populace and our rather firm notions about right and wrong, the State in North America hasn’t succeeded as wildly as have those on other continents. The masters of “our” State – local, state, or federal – are repeatedly thwarted in their aims. Now and then they find that, little though they like it, they must accept reductions in their power and scope. Why?

     (Rubs hands together while cackling fiendishly) Heh, heh, heh!


     Let’s agree, as a working postulate, that the practical meaning of the State and its power is the use or threat of coercive force. That’s the traditional approach. Who wields that force? Who decides that that force shall be wielded?

     Dr. Tucker notes the peculiar locus to which State power and functions have devolved:

     Cabinet-level appointees frequently complain in private that they face intractable bureaucracies with all institutional knowledge. They often feel like stand-ins or mannequins. Trump is the unusual president who has even attempted to be in charge. Most are just happy for the emoluments of office and the plaudits that come with it.

     In the great majority of cases pertinent to Americans’ common conception of freedom, the decision-makers are bureaucrats: usually faceless souls difficult to locate or identify. This is the great discovery of power-seekers throughout the First World: if the decision-maker is essentially anonymous, he can get away with a lot more. Therefore, political power is least constrained when its wielders are not known to those they rule.

     The seeker of public office is seldom fully aware of this relocation of the political power. He usually puts himself forward in the belief that he can “get things done.” The discovery that the opposite is the case has frustrated and angered many a President and Congressman. Quoth (yet again) retired United States Senator for Oklahoma David L. Boren:

     Boren, formerly a state legislator and governor, went to Washington expecting to make some changes. "What impressed me most is the great power of the bureaucracy compared to that of elected officials. All the talk about growing control by the bureaucracy is not exaggerated. The shift in power is very real.... There is almost a contempt for elected officials."...
     Senator Boren found, to his surprise, that a Senator has great difficulty even getting phone calls returned by the "permanent" employees, much less getting responsive answers to his questions.
     The voters can't "throw the rascals out" anymore, because the main rascals are not elected but appointed....
     Regulatory bureaucrats have extra power because they can outlast the elected officials. "Often," Boren explains, "I've said to a bureaucrat, 'You know this is not the president's policy.'
     'True, Senator, but we were here before he came, and we'll be here after he leaves. We're not in sympathy with his policy. We'll study the matter until he leaves.'"

     [From Armington and Ellis, MORE: The Rediscovery of American Common Sense.]

As I wrote in this piece: Look upon the naked, if anonymous, face of your true master, and be afraid.


     Dr. Tucker surveys the various approaches to the genesis and development of the state put forward by the great thinkers of the past three millennia. This is good material to be conversant with. It stimulates thought about political path dependency, which is one of the least well addressed of all subjects that touch upon the emergence of the State.

     The path by which the State emerges among men is specific to those men: i.e., to their existing social arrangements and institutions before power-seekers start to swell among them. Those things also condition the form of the State, both immediately and further on. The divergences among the theses of such as Hobbes, Hume, Locke, and the rest point to that without making the larger and more nebulous patterns explicit.

     When your society is armed and generally freedom-minded, the critical need of the State is to deny potential rebels a clear target. Bureaucracy satisfies that need. But all things have their downsides; this is as true of bureaucracy as of any other mechanism for wielding power. Bureaucracy’s downside is that it’s made up of people who generally share the desires and convictions of those they rule. Thus, they are partially inhibited by those common convictions, especially if one of them is the “mind your own business” ethic that characterizes the great mass of Americans.

     That brings us full circle to the “popular consensus / consent of the governed” element in the political dynamic. Thomas Jefferson explicitly stated this basis for a legitimate State in the Declaration of Independence. However, he was thinking of traditionally overt governments: visible, identifiable decision-makers who could therefore be targeted by a populace in insurrection. Yet he identified the forebears of the bureaucracy in these United States:

     At home, fellow citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation which, once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of produce and property. If among these taxes some minor ones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved. [Second Inaugural Address, 1805

     Even so the bureaucracy is upon us. It took time – roughly 150 years from the founding of the Republic before it began to expand in earnest – but it’s upon us nevertheless.


     Many commentators have suggested remedies. Some have been tried. All have failed. Even famously freedom-minded Ronald Reagan allowed the bureaucracy to expand. President Trump is bearing down on the effort to corral it, but it’s unclear, given current Civil Service law, that he can achieve more than Reagan did.

     If we omit the possibility of a true anarcho-capitalist revolution – I do try to be realistic, but I can’t help but hope! – in the near term, whatever restraint of the State there may be, in all its 88,000-plus instantiations, will arise from the consciences of those who staff it and their cultural commonalities with us private citizens. That and only that will impose any curbs on bureaucrats’ exercises of power over us. Not that the alphabet-dwellers will ever renounce any fragment of their essentially unbounded power! Our hope is not for freedom de jure but freedom de facto.

     Elections and who wins them won’t matter nearly as much.

Monday, November 17, 2025

I Got Nothin’

     It’s going to be one of those days. I’m very tired, have chores up the wazoo, and no desire whatsoever to address them. So please, enjoy your Monday... if that’s not a contradiction in terms... and check back tomorrow.