Friday, November 21, 2025

"We The People," Who?

     [The piece below first appeared at the Eternity Road website in June of 2007 -- FWP]

     In mid-2004, there was born a Website which proposed to hold an international plebiscite on the upcoming American elections. The thesis was that since what the United States does "affects" the entire world -- yes, those are "sneer quotes" -- then the world should have as much say in the selection of American officialdom as the American citizens do. Say what you will about the "logic" behind such a proposition, we must grant its audacity at the very least.

     That campaign season also featured a letter-writing campaign by British glitterati, including rabid anti-theist Richard Dawkins and hack novelist David Cornwell (a.k.a. "John LeCarre"), to voters in selected American "swing states." The writers urged their American targets to vote for the Democratic presidential nominee, John Kerry -- say, did you know he served in Vietnam? Imagine that! -- on the grounds that President Bush was "stupid," a "bully," a "theocrat," was "universally hated," was waging "an illegal war," or any possible combination thereof. And with that, your Curmudgeon's sneer-quote key has breathed its last, at least for today.

     The supranationalist assumptions behind these phenomena are easily destroyed. Yes, America has great influence in the world; we Americans, a mere 5% of the population of the world, generate more than 30% of its wealth and wield armed forces that could defeat all the other nations of the world in concert. But that's not because of our government, but because of the governments of all the other nations of the world. Our government, despite its many flaws and violations of its Constitutional contract, doesn't exercise the kind of power over American enterprise that other governments do over the productive efforts of their subjects. America's magnificent military is the consequence of the wealth that flows from our largely free economy and relatively restrained welfare system. Heavily regulated and bureaucratized economies, which must also carry the burden of much larger welfare states, can't afford worthwhile militaries, which is why ours is so frequently called upon to deal with tyrants and terrors.

     (Nota bene: A citizen is one who retains his individual sovereignty despite his allegiance to a particular polity. His distinguishing characteristic is his right to keep and bear arms. A subject is one who has no individual sovereignty, having surrendered all ultimate decision-making power to the State. His lack of a right to keep and bear arms, which renders him defenseless against incursions on any of his other rights, is the most prominent giveaway. The United States has citizens; most of the rest of the nations of the world have subjects. Food for thought.)

     But we can't expect to defeat supranationalism -- broadly, the premise that nation-states are inimical to the general good and should be done away with -- with mere logic. The supranationalist is adroit. He argues from his good intentions. Wouldn't it be nice if everyone had a say in everything that affects him in any way? And since every slightest thing that anyone does, anywhere in the world, affects all of us in some way, however small, doesn't that imply that democracy should be unbounded by these Westphalian fossils we call nation-states?

     Well, if you buy the premise, you buy the conclusion. But the premise is itself unsound. Indeed, it's about as risible as the arguments made for slavery, with which it has a great deal in common. And Eternity Road readers are unlikely to accept supranationalism anyway, so what's the big deal?

     The big deal is this: whenever a government compromises its nation's integrity for the sake of another nation, or the subjects of another nation, it's acting from the supranationalist premise. In so doing, it degrades the interests of its own people, implicitly or explicitly to favor other peoples. It ceases to act as its citizens' delegated agent, and assumes the prerogatives of their owner, who may dispose of their rights and prerogatives as it pleases, without their consent.

     Two particularly egregious cases of this are in motion today.

     In the Middle East, the Palestinian irredentists of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are engaged in a particularly bloody civil war. Their quarrel with one another is purely over power. Neither side deserves the support of a decent man; both are committed to the ultimate destruction of Israel. If Israel's statesmen regarded themselves as the servants of Israel rather than its masters, they would seize this opportunity to perfect the quarantine of the Palestinian zones. They would cease all quasi-diplomatic intercourse with the Palestinians "for the duration," a period of convenient elasticity. They certainly wouldn't look for guidance to the supranational United Nations or European Union, both of which have displayed uncompromising hostility toward Israel for many years. But the Olmert government is behaving in precisely the opposite way, attempting to conciliate and buttress Mahmoud Abbas and his Fatah faction in the hope that it will prevail and reach a peace accord with Israel in the aftermath. This is like taking sides in a knife fight between murderers; the only decent course is to root for both sides to lose.

     Here in the West, we have the spectacle of a majority of our Congressmen and Senators, and our president himself, bowing to the demands of our neighbor to the south that we not fortify our mutual border. Legislation from 2006 mandates a border fence, but there's been little funding provided for it and little to no work on it. The disproportionate participation of illegal aliens in felony crimes is widely known, yet there've been scant efforts to impede the movement or employment of illegal aliens already in our land. The infamous immigration reform bill gestating in Congress even offers a cheap amnesty to the estimated 12 million illegals to whom we're already hosts, conciliating them above 290 million born and naturalized citizens to whom our government is supposedly subordinate.

     One can suspect corruption and venality, of course. No doubt they play some part in both cases. But the arguments used to rationalize the objectionable postures are almost explicitly supranationalist. It's the people that matter, not the borders. And anyway, think of the kids.

     Wrong, wrong, wrong.

     Borders matter because people matter. Borders are important because there must be a limit on every man's responsibilities for others, and on every nation's, too. Every political system binds its citizens in a web of mutual responsibility. Not for everything, but for the really big things commonly delegated to government: the defense of the realm, the maintenance of order in the streets, a common, generally comprehended legal system, and above all the protection of individuals' rights to life, liberty, and honestly acquired property. Israel granted the Palestinians autonomy within their zones, or, as Eric Frank Russell once put it, "the right to go to Hell in their own fashion." Now that they've chosen their course, they should be allowed to follow it to its conclusion, out of respect not only for their right to do so, but the right of Israelis not to be involved in it. Likewise, America did not agree to shelter or employ the whole world. If our borders were better secured, not only would our streets be safer, but Mexicans' interest in reforming their own polity would be greatly increased.

     Don't say any of that to a supranationalist, though. He'll accuse you of being hard-hearted, a jingoist, possibly a racist. He'll call you an ingrate for spurning the innumerable contributions of undocumented Americans to our great nation, though if these contributions go beyond cheap lawn care and abundant convenience-store clerks, your Curmudgeon has yet to discover it. He'll stride away filled with moral superiority and reinforced in his conviction that we grubby conservatives have nothing of substance to say, and must be re-educated or destroyed.

     Be not afraid to reject the supranationalist premise. Be very afraid of what might follow in supranationalism's train. Its advocates are mobilized as never before. Their agenda goes well beyond what's currently under discussion. We shall see.

Locating The State Part 2

Drive your cattle to the woods, Francois,
The lord is looking your way.
Hide your women and your goods, Francois,
They’re coming around to make you pay.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.

[Tom Paxton, “When Princes Meet”]

     In the previous piece, I focused on the question of who actually wields the power of the State, especially in those instances when it impinges on common citizens. For those are the times when State power is impossible to ignore: the times when the peasants drive their cattle to the woods, hide their women and valuables, and do their best to become invisible.

     A dear, departed friend named Ed who shared my detestation of the State once hauled me up short as I ranted. “Abolishing the political State would be nice,” he said, “but it wouldn’t be the end of the thing. States exist because there are people who love power. Take the political State away from them and they’ll just change colors. They’ll adapt! Humans are good at that, remember?”

     Ed then cited vigilance committees and lynch mobs. “They wielded the same power as an ‘official’ State. They just did it informally, and for a shorter time. Then there’s guilds and trade unions. Even when there was no ‘official’ State to back them up, they wielded State powers. Wherever you have a local preponderance of force and the will to use it, you have a State.”

     I didn’t argue the point. Ed was right. It shed a new and fresh light on the matter.

     Where would we find such “local preponderances of force” today?


     Everybody’s got his own pet peeve. Some of those peeves arise from the “busybody” impulse that’s more prevalent among us than ever. For there are many persons whose whole lives revolve around their desire to interfere in others’ lives and businesses. They know “how things ought to be.” All too frequently they find like-minded souls to collaborate with them.

     One of the premier examples of this in our time is the “homeowners’ association” or HOA.

     I was greatly amused to note the proliferation of stories, on YouTube in particular, about battles between homeowners and the tiny totalitarians who always seem to dominate an HOA. I suspect that they’re largely generated by AI composition. Still, the number of them speaks to the superfluity of the meddling impulse. The phenomenon moved Eric Hoffer to comment thus:

     A man is likely to mind his own business when it is worth minding. When it is not, he takes his mind off his own meaningless affairs by minding other people's business...The vanity of the selfless, even those who practice the utmost humility, is boundless.

     Indeed.

     Yet HOAs, no matter who dominates them constitute States de facto. They wield coercive power. All too frequently they go unopposed, even when their demands are unjustified by the organization’s charter. They who run them and the others who back them, actively or passively, are doing State work.

     Completely informal groups that arise to put pressure on others have the same character, even if they refrain (or are prevented) from using force. One such figured in my own young life:

     A family not far from us had domestic troubles. She slapped him one night, and he responded by shoving her through a screen door, which occasioned a visit to the local hospital for her, a visit from an impromptu decency committee for him, and departure from town for the two of them, soon afterward.

     Such incidents might seem trivial at the time, but the desire for power over others – to insert oneself and one’s convictions into another’s life and make him behave — that animates them is anything but trivial. Even when the great majority agree with the necessity of wielding or threatening coercive force, that desire must be recognized – and curbed.


     I’ve said at other times and places that the American mantra should be Mind your own business, as it once was. These days, There ought to be a law is heard more frequently. That speaks to the ascension of a poisonous proclivity: the belief that interfering in others’ lives is right and proper as long as you can get a majority to back you.

     Rather than beat this into the magma layer, allow me to suggest only this: Try each phrase in your own mouth and mind. Which tastes better? Which strikes you as a better prescription for a peaceful society?

     The choice, Gentle Reader, is yours.

Thursday, November 20, 2025

A Tale For Our Time

     This comes from a British writer who has asked that his name be withheld:

It snowed last night...
8:00 am: I made a snowman.
8:10 - A feminist passed by and asked me why I didn't make a snow woman.
8:15 - So, I made a snow woman.
8:17 - My feminist neighbor complained about the snow woman's voluptuous chest saying it objectified snow women everywhere.
8:20 - The gay couple living nearby threw a hissy fit and moaned it could have been two snow men instead.
8:22 - The transgender man... women... person asked why I didn't just make one snow person with detachable parts.
8:25 - The vegans at the end of the lane complained about the carrot nose, as veggies are food and not to decorate snow figures with.
8:28 - I was being called a racist because the snow couple is white.
8:31 - The Middle Eastern gent across the road demanded the snow woman be covered up .
8:40 - The Police arrived saying someone had been offended.
8:42 - The feminist neighbor complained again that the broomstick of the snow woman needed to be removed because it depicted women in a domestic role.
8:43 - The council equality officer arrived and threatened me with eviction.
8:45 - TV news crew from BBC showed up. I was asked if I know the difference between snowmen and snow-women? I replied "Snowballs" and am now called a sexist.
9:00 - I was on the News as a suspected terrorist, racist, homophobe sensibility offender, bent on stirring up trouble during difficult weather.
9:10 - I was asked if I have any accomplices. My children were taken by social services.
9:29 - Far left protesters offended by everything marched down the street demanding for me to be arrested.
By noon it had all melted.

Moral: There is no moral to this story. It is what we have become, all because of snowflakes.

     I cannot attest to the veracity of this story, but it certainly sounds true!

Wednesday, November 19, 2025

Something New And Quirky

     Many people think of boredom as a curse. I can’t imagine why. Boredom has been the source of all my best ideas... well, all right, some of my worst ones, too. Still, I find it a fertile medium for new and unexplored possibilities.

     Some time ago, Smashwords, where I first published my books, offered its writers space in which to post “interviews.” Mind you, Smashwords personnel didn’t conduct any interviews; they just gave you a space for one. Being a whimsical sort, I posted an “interview” with various of my fictional characters:

    Q: Mr. Porretto, just what is going on here? I didn’t ask to have my office jammed with all these bodies.
     Fran Porretto: Rather than do a “straight” interview, which tends to bring out my discursive nature, I thought I might change things up a little. So I rounded up some of my favorite characters and brought them here so you can talk to them. Enjoy! I always do.

     And so on.

     Well, just a few days ago, I got into a conversation with writer Abigail Lakewood, who also reviews books on Substack. Somehow, she caused Substack to start another account – for my old protagonist Armand Morelon, of the Spooner Federation Saga. It probably happened because I masquerade as Armand on X.

     Well, I was just a little bored at the time, so I wrote this:

     Good morning / afternoon / evening / night / whatever. If you’ve never made the acquaintance of a planetary Overmind before this, it can be a little overwhelming. But then, think of me! I have the whole of Hope to supervise. It can be quite busy, now and then.
     But enough of that. Hope, if you’re not yet aware of it, was settled in the Terrestrial 27th Century by a group of anarchists. They were driven from Earth under the threat of extinction by the States that oppress that unhappy world. They had to re-engineer a wandering planetoid into a starship to do so.
     It was quite a trip...

     And so on.

     But that got me thinking: Why not have Armand’s site be a place where characters from fiction – my own and perhaps that of others, as well – can get together to shoot the breeze? It could be good exercise for the imagination. Mine could use some, just now.

     So hold onto this link, and visit every so often. You might get a few laughs out of it. A laugh is something we can all use, no?

Tuesday, November 18, 2025

Locating The State

     Brownstone Institute president Jeffrey A. Tucker has produced a wide-ranging, yet notably compact essay that addresses several questions at once:

  1. What is the State?
  2. Whence does it arise?
  3. Who really wields its powers?
  4. Where do we look for its governor?

     I use governor above in its original, mechanical sense: a mechanism that limits the action of another mechanism. For those who insist that the State is “a necessary evil,” this is a critical consideration. Those who pursue power most successfully want it for its own sake. It follows that once they have it, they’ll delight in exercising it. But throughout recorded history, there’s always been something that limits such exercises of power. Where shall we look for it?

     America’s Founding Fathers believed it to be the consent of the governed. They sought to equip “the governed” with a written Constitution and a guarantee that “the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.” Their counterparts in the several colonies followed in their train. Thus, the great body of the public would always be capable of reining in the State, and – hopefully – correcting its excesses.

     Any fairly observant American will know that it hasn’t worked out quite as the Founders hoped. But owing to our heavily armed populace and our rather firm notions about right and wrong, the State in North America hasn’t succeeded as wildly as have those on other continents. The masters of “our” State – local, state, or federal – are repeatedly thwarted in their aims. Now and then they find that, little though they like it, they must accept reductions in their power and scope. Why?

     (Rubs hands together while cackling fiendishly) Heh, heh, heh!


     Let’s agree, as a working postulate, that the practical meaning of the State and its power is the use or threat of coercive force. That’s the traditional approach. Who wields that force? Who decides that that force shall be wielded?

     Dr. Tucker notes the peculiar locus to which State power and functions have devolved:

     Cabinet-level appointees frequently complain in private that they face intractable bureaucracies with all institutional knowledge. They often feel like stand-ins or mannequins. Trump is the unusual president who has even attempted to be in charge. Most are just happy for the emoluments of office and the plaudits that come with it.

     In the great majority of cases pertinent to Americans’ common conception of freedom, the decision-makers are bureaucrats: usually faceless souls difficult to locate or identify. This is the great discovery of power-seekers throughout the First World: if the decision-maker is essentially anonymous, he can get away with a lot more. Therefore, political power is least constrained when its wielders are not known to those they rule.

     The seeker of public office is seldom fully aware of this relocation of the political power. He usually puts himself forward in the belief that he can “get things done.” The discovery that the opposite is the case has frustrated and angered many a President and Congressman. Quoth (yet again) retired United States Senator for Oklahoma David L. Boren:

     Boren, formerly a state legislator and governor, went to Washington expecting to make some changes. "What impressed me most is the great power of the bureaucracy compared to that of elected officials. All the talk about growing control by the bureaucracy is not exaggerated. The shift in power is very real.... There is almost a contempt for elected officials."...
     Senator Boren found, to his surprise, that a Senator has great difficulty even getting phone calls returned by the "permanent" employees, much less getting responsive answers to his questions.
     The voters can't "throw the rascals out" anymore, because the main rascals are not elected but appointed....
     Regulatory bureaucrats have extra power because they can outlast the elected officials. "Often," Boren explains, "I've said to a bureaucrat, 'You know this is not the president's policy.'
     'True, Senator, but we were here before he came, and we'll be here after he leaves. We're not in sympathy with his policy. We'll study the matter until he leaves.'"

     [From Armington and Ellis, MORE: The Rediscovery of American Common Sense.]

As I wrote in this piece: Look upon the naked, if anonymous, face of your true master, and be afraid.


     Dr. Tucker surveys the various approaches to the genesis and development of the state put forward by the great thinkers of the past three millennia. This is good material to be conversant with. It stimulates thought about political path dependency, which is one of the least well addressed of all subjects that touch upon the emergence of the State.

     The path by which the State emerges among men is specific to those men: i.e., to their existing social arrangements and institutions before power-seekers start to swell among them. Those things also condition the form of the State, both immediately and further on. The divergences among the theses of such as Hobbes, Hume, Locke, and the rest point to that without making the larger and more nebulous patterns explicit.

     When your society is armed and generally freedom-minded, the critical need of the State is to deny potential rebels a clear target. Bureaucracy satisfies that need. But all things have their downsides; this is as true of bureaucracy as of any other mechanism for wielding power. Bureaucracy’s downside is that it’s made up of people who generally share the desires and convictions of those they rule. Thus, they are partially inhibited by those common convictions, especially if one of them is the “mind your own business” ethic that characterizes the great mass of Americans.

     That brings us full circle to the “popular consensus / consent of the governed” element in the political dynamic. Thomas Jefferson explicitly stated this basis for a legitimate State in the Declaration of Independence. However, he was thinking of traditionally overt governments: visible, identifiable decision-makers who could therefore be targeted by a populace in insurrection. Yet he identified the forebears of the bureaucracy in these United States:

     At home, fellow citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation which, once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of produce and property. If among these taxes some minor ones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved. [Second Inaugural Address, 1805

     Even so the bureaucracy is upon us. It took time – roughly 150 years from the founding of the Republic before it began to expand in earnest – but it’s upon us nevertheless.


     Many commentators have suggested remedies. Some have been tried. All have failed. Even famously freedom-minded Ronald Reagan allowed the bureaucracy to expand. President Trump is bearing down on the effort to corral it, but it’s unclear, given current Civil Service law, that he can achieve more than Reagan did.

     If we omit the possibility of a true anarcho-capitalist revolution – I do try to be realistic, but I can’t help but hope! – in the near term, whatever restraint of the State there may be, in all its 88,000-plus instantiations, will arise from the consciences of those who staff it and their cultural commonalities with us private citizens. That and only that will impose any curbs on bureaucrats’ exercises of power over us. Not that the alphabet-dwellers will ever renounce any fragment of their essentially unbounded power! Our hope is not for freedom de jure but freedom de facto.

     Elections and who wins them won’t matter nearly as much.

Monday, November 17, 2025

I Got Nothin’

     It’s going to be one of those days. I’m very tired, have chores up the wazoo, and no desire whatsoever to address them. So please, enjoy your Monday... if that’s not a contradiction in terms... and check back tomorrow.

Sunday, November 16, 2025

A Day To Remember

     There are many dates on our calendars with historical events attached: the birthdays of presidents; the birthdays of nations; the anniversaries of invasions and the conclusions of the wars they started; and the day Harvey Glumph finally got Jeannie Frizzkopf to agree to go out with him. We celebrate on such days in remembrance of those mighty events and the men who brought them about. That’s part of what it means to know the history of your people. But not every event of great import has a day associated with it. Some such days are forgotten, except for the few fortunate souls who were directly involved in them.

     November 14 in this Year of Our Lord 2025 was such a day:

     This hero of technology has shown us the fruits of foresight and endurance. We who have our own boxes of cables, and who cherish the memories that reside therein, should praise him. We salute you, Peyman Milanfar! The Fourteenth of November shall be your day henceforth and forevermore.

Saturday, November 15, 2025

Nightmare Visions

     Is this true?

     Sometimes I can believe it. At other times I can’t.

     My first difficulty stems from “The world is run.” What does it mean to say that someone or some group runs the world? “The world” is a rather vague phrase, and “run” is the most overloaded word in the English language. One dictionary lists more than 800 meanings for “run.” Is it possible that “the world is run” has no exact meaning?

     George Carlin would have agreed:

     ...but George Carlin was an entertainer. If you let entertainers form your opinions, you’re fishing in a sewer. Entertainers aren't much good at anything but entertaining – and a lot of them aren’t even much good at that.


     Let’s have a close look at that “the world is run” assertion. What do you suppose the speaker meant to express by it?

     She probably had big stuff in mind: the major institutions of our time. Big governments, big businesses, big media, and so forth. Yes, there are people, or small groups thereof, who control each such institution. And yes, they direct the large-scale orientations and policies of such institutions. However, they cannot control private citizen Smith. Though if Smith chooses to interact with their institution, his decisions will be influenced by theirs.

     But does that amount to running the world?


     Let’s move on to “people who are more cruel and more obscene than you can fathom.” I can fathom quite a lot, so omit the hyperbole. Are the people who control major institutions cruel and obscene? What evidence do we have for that proposition?

     In the usual case, a man must have control of himself before he can rise to the management or direction of others. But to say that Jones has control of himself does not automatically mean Jones is virtuous. He may simply be skilled at keeping his evil desires reined in until he’s safe to indulge them. And indeed, we have seen enough evil uncovered among the great and powerful to suspect that there’s much more we have yet to see.

     Moreover, we have the dynamic of power to cope with. That dynamic does favor the elevation of evil persons. But when the lust for power is opposed by another dynamic – e.g., in commerce, the constraints imposed by profit and loss – power-lust doesn’t always win.


     Some large institutions are run by evil persons. It’s the case with most governments. But other large institutions, in which the desire for power over others is tempered by other considerations, are run by persons no worse than you or I. If their desires sometimes clash with ours, what of that? Is CEO Jones obligated to get private citizen Smith’s approval before he decides on Acme Corp.’s next venture?

     So the notion that “The world is run by people who are more cruel and more obscene than you can fathom” isn’t uniformly true. Neither is George Carlin’s “big club” thesis. People move in and out of the seats of power: the positions from which they can “run” things. Those who fall aren’t always corrupt, and those who rise aren’t necessarily corruptible.

     Just some early-morning thoughts.