Showing posts with label honor. Show all posts
Showing posts with label honor. Show all posts

Saturday, November 14, 2020

A World Without Honor

     [Recent events caused me to remember this old essay, which first appeared at the Palace of Reason on December 16, 2003 -- FWP]

Curmudgeon Emeritus -- Francis W. Porretto

December 16, 2003

     About twenty-five years ago, a friend passed a book along to your Curmudgeon that purported to be an expose of the crassness of capitalism, through the adventures of an academic who'd unsuccessfully marketed a board game. The author was Marxist academic Bertell Ollman. The book was Class Struggle Is The Name Of The Game. And yes, the name of Ollman's board game was Class Struggle.

     Your Curmudgeon will not go into the details of the game, except to say that its rules were sculpted in such a fashion as to support Marxist economic theory. It didn't sell many copies. Ollman's book tried to lay its failure onto every pair of shoulders in the game industry, save his own. As the friend who'd provided the book said, Ollman was unwilling to admit that practicing capitalism took a bit more than wishful thinking.

     Not long afterward, while Christmas shopping, your Curmudgeon found a copy of the game in a small hobby shop. Out of sheer curiosity, he asked the clerk on duty what it would cost. The clerk responded, "I have no idea."

     That was not the response your Curmudgeon expected. "Is it for sale?"

     The clerk replied, "I suppose so, but I don't know what the owner wants for it. I can't imagine why he has it. If it were my store, I'd throw it away." He spread his arms to indicate the store around us. "We practice capitalism here. What the hell are we doing trying to sell a game that attacks it?"

     The clerk, by the way, was dressed in what one might call "alternative" regalia: tie-dyed T-shirt, scruffy jeans and sandals. He sported a long pony tail and a beard as well.

     More recently, a Curmudgeonly acquaintance wandered into a similar store looking for a popular toy. She didn't find it, but there were several items of similar kinds on the shelves, so she inquired of the proprietress whether there were any "in the back." The proprietress, a woman who'd moved to the United States from Taiwan, answered "I won't carry it."

     "Won't?" The toy in question was very popular, a big revenue generator for many larger stores.

     The proprietress nodded, her expression grim. "Made in China."

     Stories such as these warm the cockles of your Curmudgeon's heart. If yours don't respond in kind, perhaps you should see about getting new ones.

     There are a lot of folks in the world with what we might charitably call "flexible convictions." The flex is always in the direction of self-interest. There's nothing wrong with self-interest as such, but how can one claim sincerely to hold a conviction if he sets it aside the moment it threatens to cost him something?

     Quoth Abraham Lincoln, "Important principles may and must be inflexible." If a conviction isn't important, is it accurate to call it a principle?

     Honor is compounded of honesty and constancy: candor about one's principles, plus the resolve to uphold them faithfully. Of course, if one has no principles, the subject is impossible to discuss.

     On the geopolitical scene, there aren't many demonstrations of honorable conduct available for examples. Counterexamples are much easier to find.

     United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has been against Operation Iraqi Freedom from the very beginning. His has been one of the most prominent voices condemning the United States for "unilateral action." Yet, with the recent capture of Saddam Hussein, has Annan demanded that the U.S. restore the arch-villain to his throne? That would be consistent with a principled opposition to our actions in Iraq. No; Annan merely wants Hussein's future turned over to the United Nations, in the guise of the International Criminal Court.

     From the beginning of the American expedition to depose the Hussein regime, French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin has stoutly maintained that France could not and would not absolve Iraq of the debts the dictator had incurred. Yet, now that his country's major corporations are screaming to be let into the bidding for reconstruction contracts, it seems that France can indeed do so, or at least can discuss it as a quid for a reconstruction quo.

     Here at home, Democratic presidency-seeker Howard Dean has been strident in his condemnation of the Bush Administration's Iraq intervention, and of its handling of anti-terror matters generally. Yet Dean volubly congratulated the instruments of that policy when they captured Hussein, although he continued with a demand for "internationalizing" the occupation -- that is, for taking the authority and responsibility for it away from those he had just congratulated.

     To these three creatures, principles are an inconvenience, and honor is a stranger. Nor are they alone.

     Many chafe at hard-edged insistence on the importance of an abstraction such as honor. They deride its reality, claim that it's subjective at best, or demand that it be held subservient to "practical considerations." But a simple test indicates that honor is among the most important realities of human society.

     The test comes from Robert Pirsig: Remove honor from the field of human interplay, and watch for changes.

     If no one could be trusted to keep his word, each of us would have to live alone, and behind the stoutest locks imaginable. On the occasions when a man had to endure the company of others, he would constantly be on guard for an attempt to get behind him. We would all go heavily and conspicuously armed at all times. Trade would be reduced to quick, nervous exchanges of small goods under carefully negotiated conditions. Sex would be impossible. No one would ever agree to be placed under the authority of another.

     America is a rich society because its people are nearly all nearly always honorable. They share a set of principles of honorable dealing, and they hold to them with admirable fidelity. The ability to trust gives rise to the ability to collaborate and trade, with all that follows.

     Compare that high standard to what prevails beyond our borders, even in the "Western" nations with whom we share a political and cultural heritage. Then ask yourself whether you'd ever accept a world government with the power to enforce its will on Americans.

Monday, February 8, 2016

Quickies: If You Haven’t Seen This Video

     See it. (Sorry, it resists embedding.)

     Senator Cruz was willing to expose the leader of the GOP Senatorial caucus as a liar and a corruptocrat, on the floor of the Senate itself. No one else was willing to do so, even though McConnell had lied to the entire Republican caucus.

     That’s political courage. It’s one of the reasons I’m backing Ted Cruz for the Republican presidential nomination...and one of the reasons the party elite will do everything short of seppuku to prevent him from getting it.

     I hope Senator Cruz has someone to watch his back.

Friday, February 5, 2016

Quickies: Concerning Return Of Kings And Its Attackers

     Concerning the cancellation of the Return of Kings-sponsored International Meetup event, the feminist harridans and assorted beta, gamma, delta, and epsilon males who marshaled the vicious attacks on the event probably think they won something. They did not. I regard the following snippet from this essay by Davis M. J. Aurini as expressing the heart of the matter:

     A final word for all of those who attacked us, slandered us, and threatened us; we, the men who would defend you against those who would enslave and exploit you; we who fight, not for ourselves, but for the future. We will remember who you are, and we are a larger chorus than you know.

     That ex-boyfriend who stole your heart? One of us. That charming married man at your office, with the beautiful wife? One of us. That wise mentor who helped you more than you’ll ever know? One of us. And we saw what you said about us, without even knowing who we were.

     The battle for civilization will be neither quick nor easy. We will win, but not without great struggle and many casualties amongst those who refused to pick a side. So remember something: when you or your womenfolk are being viciously assaulted and raped by third world savages whom you defended while decrying us—or by some gestapo thug, whom you empowered to oppress us, their breath rancid with garlic and rotting teeth—

     That is the future you chose by standing against men of virtue.

     Indeed. Their regrets may arrive sooner than anyone can imagine.

It was a summer evening,
Old Kaspar's work was done,
And he before his cottage door
Was sitting in the sun,
And by him sported on the green
His little grandchild Wilhelmine.

She saw her brother Peterkin
Roll something large and round
Which he beside the rivulet
In playing there had found;
He came to ask what he had found,
That was so large, and smooth, and round.

Old Kaspar took it from the boy,
Who stood expectant by;
And then the old man shook his head,
And with a natural sigh,
"'Tis some poor fellow's skull," said he,
"Who fell in the great victory.

"I find them in the garden,
For there's many here about;
And often when I go to plough,
The ploughshare turns them out!
For many thousand men," said he,
"Were slain in that great victory."

"Now tell us what 'twas all about,"
Young Peterkin, he cries;
And little Wilhelmine looks up
With wonder-waiting eyes;
"Now tell us all about the war,
And what they fought each other for."

"It was the English," Kaspar cried,
"Who put the French to rout;
But what they fought each other for
I could not well make out;
But everybody said," quoth he,
"That 'twas a famous victory.

"My father lived at Blenheim then,
Yon little stream hard by;
They burnt his dwelling to the ground,
And he was forced to fly;
So with his wife and child he fled,
Nor had he where to rest his head.

"With fire and sword the country round
Was wasted far and wide,
And many a childing mother then,
And new-born baby died;
But things like that, you know, must be
At every famous victory.

"They said it was a shocking sight
After the field was won;
For many thousand bodies here
Lay rotting in the sun;
But things like that, you know, must be
After a famous victory.

"Great praise the Duke of Marlbro' won,
And our good Prince Eugene."
"Why, 'twas a very wicked thing!"
Said little Wilhelmine.
"Nay ... nay ... my little girl," quoth he,
"It was a famous victory."

"And everybody praised the Duke
Who this great fight did win."
"But what good came of it at last?"
Quoth little Peterkin.
"Why, that I cannot tell," said he,
"But 'twas a famous victory."

     [Robert Southey, “The Battle of Blenheim”]

     Remember Cologne.

Saturday, July 4, 2015

Do The Right Thing

     It’s more than the title of an overhyped Spike Lee movie. It’s a way of life...or it should be.

     Many people talk a good game. They proclaim, propound, and promise. They make extravagant statements about what they would do – or will do – if this or that should occur. They pose as Twenty-First Century versions of Patrick Henry...as long as they know they won’t be called on it.

     Sportsmen call that “the locker-room game.” It has no effect on the eventual score.

     Today, the draft of the Declaration of Independence was approved by the Second Continental Congress, which had voted unanimously for independence from Great Britain two days earlier. (To the anonymous commenter who quarreled with me about that: brush up on your history. It’s a matter of public record.) As I wrote yesterday, the fifty-six delegates whose names appear on the document probably spent a good deal of the time since pondering the consequences of their decision. For many, the consequences would be terrible indeed.

     They did the right thing: the thing their consciences urged upon them. They did it knowing that that price could be their lives.

     Contemporary Americans are much slower to risk such a price.


     There’s a significant amount of game theory involved in my former trade, which has compelled me to become acquainted with a few highly useful concepts. The two of interest today are minimax and mainchance.

     If your gaming strategy is to minimize what you could possibly lose, you’ve adopted the minimax approach. You will select your moves such that no matter what your opponent(s) might do, your maximum loss has been minimized. Games in which the players adopt the minimax strategy tend to be boring and highly predictable, especially if there’s no random element in the mix. Payoffs will be low, and over time every player’s aggregate winnings and losses will tend toward zero. In other words, clear victories or losses are rare, unless the game’s rules are inherently biased toward or against some of the players.

     If your gaming strategy is to play for the highest possible return and not worry about potential losses, you’ve adopted the mainchance approach. Needless to say, as most real-world games tend to associate great potential gains with equally great potential losses, this requires courage. Games in which the players choose the mainchance strategy can be wild – and wildly exciting. Oftentimes a player “goes broke” from his choices, and must leave the game. Mainchance delivers winners and losers as minimax does not.

     A revolutionist must be a mainchance player from the very first. The penalty for being an unsuccessful revolutionist is almost always death plus the attainder of one’s family, often out to second and third cousins. Exceptions are rare.

     It says something about the human psyche that as regards the deliberate triggering of dramatic social upheaval, we find minimaxers among the well off and well-to-do, and mainchancers far more often among those who have little or nothing to lose.


     You might be wondering what this is headed toward. You have good reason; I’ve been more circuitous even than my usual.

     Perhaps you’re familiar with the case of Aaron and Melissa Klein, the Oregon couple who declined, out of Christian conviction, to make a wedding cake for a lesbian wedding. Just recently, the state of Oregon piled injury upon injury:

     Oregon Labor Commissioner Brad Avakian finalized a preliminary ruling today ordering Aaron and Melissa Klein, the bakers who refused to make a cake for a same-sex wedding, to pay $135,000 in emotional damages to the couple they denied service.

     “This case is not about a wedding cake or a marriage,” Avakian wrote. “It is about a business’s refusal to serve someone because of their sexual orientation. Under Oregon law, that is illegal.”

     In the ruling, Avakian placed an effective gag order on the Kleins, ordering them to “cease and desist” from speaking publicly about not wanting to bake cakes for same-sex weddings based on their Christian beliefs.

     “This effectively strips us of all our First Amendment rights,” the Kleins, owners of Sweet Cakes by Melissa, which has since closed, wrote on their Facebook page. “According to the state of Oregon we neither have freedom of religion or freedom of speech.”

     Were you aware that a state official has the power to silence dissent? I wasn’t. Indeed, I don’t think he does – freedom of speech is a Constitutionally protected right – but the question I find most interesting is whether the Kleins will defy him.

     They’ve been fined a huge amount of money – probably more than their bakery took in over a whole year. The bakery has been closed. They’ve been subjected to enormous torrents of vilification by the activist homosexual community. I don’t know whether they have any means of subsistence. They have very little, if anything, left to lose...but they have a great deal to gain by challenging this upstart official directly, charging him with abuse of power under color of law and compelling him to answer those charges in a federal district court.

     One of the blessings of our time is that the Internet enables those of us who believe in their cause to support them, with verbal encouragement and funding.

     Consider also the recent case of harassment of Reason magazine:

     The United States Department of Justice is using federal grand jury subpoenas to identify anonymous commenters engaged in typical internet bluster and hyperbole in connection with the Silk Road prosecution. DOJ is targeting Reason.com, a leading libertarian website whose clever writing is eclipsed only by the blowhard stupidity of its commenting peanut gallery.

     Why is the government using its vast power to identify these obnoxious asshats, and not the other tens of thousands who plague the internet?

     Because these twerps mouthed off about a judge.

     Last week, a source provided me with a federal grand jury subpoena. The subpoena1, issued by the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York, is directed to Reason.com in Washington, D.C.. The subpoena commands Reason to provide the grand jury "any and all identifying information"2 Reason has about participants in what the subpoena calls a "chat."

     The "chat" in question is a comment thread on Nick Gillespie's May 31, 2015 article about Ross "Dread Pirate Roberts" Ulbricht's plea for leniency to the judge who would sentence him in the Silk Road prosecution. That plea, we know now, failed, as Ulbricht received a life sentence, with no possibility of parole.

     Several commenters on the post found the sentence unjust, and vented their feelings in a rough manner. The grand jury subpoena specifies their comments and demands that Reason.com produce any identifying information on them.

     That’s bad enough...but it’s not the end of the story:

     Last Friday the folks at Reason confirmed what I suggested on Thursday — that the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York, after hitting Reason with a federal grand jury subpoena to unmask anonymous hyperbolic commenters, secured a gag order that prevented them from writing about it.

     Nick Gillespie and Matt Welch describe how it all went down. Read it.

     So, the truth is out — and it's more outrageous than you thought, even more outrageous than it appears at first glance.

     What, you might ask, could be more outrageous than the United States Department of Justice issuing a questionable subpoena targeting speech protected by the First Amendment, and then abusing the courts to prohibit journalists from writing about it?

     The answer lies in the everyday arrogance of unchecked power.

     An organ of journalism was forbidden by a federal gag order to write about an egregious abuse of power. Ponder that.

     If it can forbid an American organ of journalism to report on the most important sort of story – the abuse of State power – “our” government is no better than that of North Korea. Surely the editors at Reason know that. Yet they remained silent about the abuse targeted at them. Why?

     I don’t read minds; ordinary English text is enough of a challenge. But if I had to place a bet, I’d wager that Reason’s editors feared that the feds would contrive to ruin them and their magazine completely, even if they were eventually to win in court. In short, they have more to lose than they cared to venture.

     John Peter Zenger, call your office! Urgent! Urgent!


     The critical paragraph of the Declaration of Independence, whose approval we celebrate today – see previous tirade – sets forth the rationale for the American Revolution:

     We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.

     Those two hundred words are among the most famous ever written, and deservedly so. But the real punch comes at the very end of that famous document:

     And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

     No other phrasing of “and we really mean it” has ever come near to that one.


     As you’re aware, I always go by my full and correct name, whether in the flesh or on the Internet. I consider it a matter of propriety – I don’t want anyone else to have to answer for my statements – but I also consider it a matter of integrity. I intend to stand behind my words. Should I be proved wrong, I’ll admit it. Should I change my mind about some issue, I’ll explain why I did so. I want the record to be clear and complete.

     Most Internet commenters won’t do that. Why not? What do they fear? Hate mail? Awakening to a severed horse’s head?

     When I’ve been harassed over the Net, it’s almost always been by some clown who goes by an anonymizing moniker. That’s his right, I suppose, but it makes it fairly easy for me to dismiss him as just one more low punk without any courage at all, much less enough to stand by his convictions in an open contest of intellect. I suppose they’re not bright enough to realize what worms they’ve revealed themselves to be, but that would be part of the syndrome, wouldn’t it?

     There’s neither honor nor integrity in rejecting one’s own identity. There’s no profit in it for anyone...and there could be consequences for innocent others, as the federal harassment of Reason has shown.

     I once described my readers’ favorite character thus:

     His quality was plain and open. He did not hide, and he did not strut.

     That character endeared himself to my readers in exactly that way: He always said what he meant, without unnecessary artifice, and he always did what he thought was right, regardless of the possible cost. He was a genuine hero in a world overrun by pretenders and antiheroes, and hundreds of readers continue to email me, pleading for more stories about him.

     Have another genuine hero:

     “Oh please, Chris. You’re totally self-sacrificing, oblivious to personal danger, and resistant to temptation, though God knows I’ve tried. I knew what you were going to do for those kids the moment I saw the expression on your face. You right wrongs. You fight for the little guy. Why do you think that Chatterjee chick calls you the Hammer of God?”

     We can’t all be heroes – no, sorry, David, not even just for one day – but we can all speak plainly and stand behind our words. We can all defy those who would intimidate us into anonymity or silence. Are some of the fears that impel us to conceal ourselves legitimate? Possibly, even probably. But they fall far short of “our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.”

     If you would like to honor the Founders in a true commemoration of their courage and their achievement, you can do that much. Swear this day that you will always go by your right name, and never deny your own words. Swear it to yourself if to no one else. You’ll know whether you’ve fallen short of that standard...and you’ll punish yourself for it.

     Lend strength to those who have come under the State’s hammer by lending not merely your words but your name to their cause: the cause of freedom.

     Happy Declaration of Independence day.

Tuesday, May 6, 2014

The Difference It Makes

This column by Michael Walsh is so good that I can't resist excerpting it:

Benghazi matters because it was and is a matter of national honor. And the men and women currently in charge in Washington have no honor.

Honorable people do not let American diplomats twist slowly in the wind while they attend “debate prep” and rest up for a shakedown meeting with the One Percent. Honorable people do not suddenly go AWOL while American soil is under attack. Honorable people do not fail to mobilize the formidable resources of the American military, even if it might not be possible for them to get there in time. Honorable people, under questioning by Congress, do not lose their temper and start shouting. Honorable people do not look the bereaved in the eye and lie about who and what killed their loved ones.

Further: honorable people do not go before the public on the Sunday talk shows and knowingly transmit a bald-faced lie. Honorable people do not continue to lie about what took place. Honorable people do not say “We are Americans; we hold our head high,” and then hang their heads in shame as they cut and run at the first sign of trouble. Honorable people do not continue to reward the dishonorable with ever-higher posts. Honorable people resign.

And until honorable people are restored to Washington — not credentialed Ivy League lawyers with high name recognition steeped in cheap Marxism and fashionable anti-American contempt, but genuine patriots who understand that something has gone terribly wrong with America and needs to be redressed — there will be no justice for the victims of Benghazi.

Mega-indeed!

Monday, November 25, 2013

Pain And Power

It would be understandable for a Gentle Reader to conclude, based on pieces such as this one, that I have some sort of fascination with monarchy and monarchical systems. It would also be accurate, though a guess at my reasons would almost certainly miss the mark.


The origin of all forms of federated systems of government can be found in early European systems of nobility and royalty.

Nobility, like all other notions about distinctions among men, had its origin in an observable difference. That difference is expressed neatly in the Latin root of nobility: nobis, which means "for us."

The earliest men who were conceded noble status earned the title in battle, as did many other wielders of power in times past. However, the original nobles were distinguished from predatory brigands in that they fought, and led other fighters, in defense of people less able to fight for themselves. He who rose to the forefront of a realm's nobility, such that the nobles would call on him to lead them in times of peril to the whole of the realm, was accorded the higher status of king.

In the early instances of such arrangements, the king had very little power, de jure or de facto. Indeed, he usually lacked an army of the sort a contemporary nation-state possesses. The armed power at his disposal comprised those forces he could pay out of his own purse plus those the nobles of his realm were willing to assign temporarily to his command. Lacking such a preponderance of force, the king's ability to coerce any particular noble was questionable, as the English barons demonstrated to King John at Runnymede. Thus, the nobility constituted a check on what aspirations to greater power a king might harbor.

The nobility was also responsible for meting the overwhelming majority of cases of "high, middle, and low justice." The usual practice was to bring disputes to the regional noble's periodic assizes, at which he would adjudicate disputes among his subjects and pronounce sentences upon apprehended felons. The seriousness of an assize was emphasized by the custom of having the noble sit with his sword across his knees. The sword was more than merely a ceremonial instrument; many an assize concluded with an execution, performed by the noble's own hand.

This pre-Enlightenment scheme for the dispersal of power was corrupted by well-known influences, most notably hereditary aristocracy, aristocratic inbreeding, and the rule of primogeniture. However, in its original form, it worked better than any other system of government before it, and most of those that have been tried since then.


Omitting for a moment Lord Acton's observation that power corrupts, the core problem with nobility and royalty is the core problem of all political systems: that positions of power are not guaranteed to be held by men worthy of it:

"It's the general's worst nightmare," he whispered. "Kings used to lead their own armies. They used to lead the cavalry's charge. For a king to send an army to war and remain behind to warm his throne was simply not done. Those that tried it lost their thrones, and some lost their heads -- to their own people. It was a useful check on political and military rashness.

"It hasn't been that way for a long time. Today armies go into the field exclusively at the orders of politicians who remain at home. And politicians are bred to believe that reality is entirely plastic to their wills."

[From On Broken Wings.]

This is especially true in political systems where power is awarded:

  1. According to a majority vote,
  2. To a man who selected himself as a candidate,
  3. And who need not have previously demonstrated any degree of civic virtue.

Where among us is there a county executive, or a state governor, who would willingly play a leading role in the enforcement of the laws of his region? What president, or person imagined as a potential president, would willingly execute a traitor by his own hand, or lead a field army committed to battle?

One of the reasons Americans have preferred executives with military experience is the inchoate sense that a demonstration of the willingness to put oneself at risk for others' benefit is a good indication of the character of the candidate. It might well be that we haven't gone far enough in that regard -- that a state of the variety military SF writer Tom Kratman depicts in his Carreraverse / Terra Nova novels is the only halfway feasible means for selecting power wielders in a fashion that will resist the incentives to pander, plunder, and self-aggrandize.


In one of those happy accidents an opinion writer sometimes enjoys, I've just come across an impassioned condemnation of the worst man ever to reach the pinnacle of executive power in these United States:

The lone rape victim who testified before the Illinois Senate on behalf of a 1999 rape-victim protections bill is speaking out against the lone Illinois state senator who chose not to vote for it: Barack Obama.

“I just couldn’t believe it. How could he do that? Thank God for the other [senators] who voted for it. They had a heart. They had compassion that Obama evidently doesn’t have,” rape survivor Michelle Eppel told The Daily Caller after recently finding out that Obama was the one non-yes vote.

“He doesn’t care,” Eppel said....

Eppel now questions Obama’s manhood.

“How many issues does he push aside as president because he just doesn’t want to deal with it?,” Eppel said. ”The people want someone who will fight for them and protect them from harm. Why does he not do that?”

“I do not believe a leader of our country should be someone who has no compassion for someone else as a human being…he doesn’t care…it’s like he’s giving permission for the perpetrators to keep going. He’s not even man enough to protect us. How heartless,” Eppel said.

But then, Barack Hussein "Above my pay grade" Obama also voted against the Born-Alive Infant Protection Act, written specifically to protect the right to life of a newborn that survives an attempted abortion. He has taken repeated steps to castrate our armed forces, especially our strategic deterrent. He has embarked on a purge of top commanders he deems not "politically reliable." He treats the military as if it were a laboratory for social experimentation...with the outcome of the "experiment" determined beforehand. Most recently, he has given his imprimatur to the UN Treaty on Small Arms, a not-particularly-subtle attempt to disarm anyone not in the pay of a government.

That's the behavior of a man who has never suffered, who has never put himself at any risk or hardship for others' benefit, and to whom pain and loss are abstractions experienced by faceless others. But the worst of it is that Obama isn't all that far below the great majority of those who wield power over the longsuffering private citizens of these United States.


We no longer demand that those who desire power demonstrate even the most minimal civic virtue before they put themselves forward as candidates. On several occasions we've reaped the whirlwind. Indeed, convictions for all sorts of corrupt behavior are more frequent among members of the "political class" than among Americans generally. Whether returning to the moral norm of demanding that a man demonstrate noble character before allowing him to put his hands to the levers of power would improve matters is uncertain...but it seems unlikely to hurt.

There are a lot of "cracies" in the political lexicon. The one we hear most frequently is, of course "democracy," from the Greek rule by the mob. It's time to take some inspiration from the medieval nobilities and royalties of medieval Europe. Why not explore the possibilities of a system in which a candidate for public power must first demonstrate his personal honor and civic virtue in the most explicit way: by voluntarily embracing the pain and sacrifice of serving our nation's most fundamental need:

It is customary in democratic countries to deplore expenditures on armaments as conflicting with the requirements of the social services. There is a tendency to forget that the most important social service that a government can do for its people is to keep them alive and free. -- Sir John Slessor

UPDATE: Tom Kratman has just reminded me that another role of a medieval king, which I had forgotten to mention, is to stand with the commons against the nobility. Commoners subject to a tyrannical or rapacious noble were seldom able to do anything about him without external aid, whereas the king had some capacity to do so, especially in cases where the noble in question could be plausibly represented as posing a threat to neighboring baronies or counties. The check on abuses of power thus ran in more than one direction.

Tuesday, October 15, 2013

Betrayal Guaranteed

These past five days, I've rigidly refrained from reading anything about politics, legislation, or events relevant to either. That's a radical departure from my usual practice. I adopted it because my activities over that interval have required:

  • That I be perfectly cheerful and upbeat;
  • That I concentrate wholly on my work.

I managed both. However, the success of the decision got me to thinking about the underlying phenomenon: that is, the maddening and saddening overall quality of contemporary politics and political discourse.

There are more maddening and saddening things about American politics in our time than anyone could cover in a large book, much less a short op-ed here at Liberty's Torch. But if there's one that stands head and shoulders above all the others, it just might be the certainty of betrayal by our elected representatives.

I chose to use the word certainty after much deliberation. Over the century past, I can name only a handful of exceptions to the betrayal-habit among American politicians. Granted that not all betrayals are of a single type -- there are policy betrayals, and character betrayals, and will-to-fight betrayals, and possibly other kinds -- I estimate that the probability that an elected official will exhibit one or more serious betrayals over the course of his political life exceeds 99%.

A serious betrayal is one that causes those who had previously given the politician their support to withdraw that support. That's the sort that makes headlines and leads to convulsions during conventions and primary battles. It also persuades Americans to plunge into ever deeper cynicism about politics and governance.

Who can seriously argue, given the incredible number and variety of the betrayals we've experienced over the most recent decades, that such cynicism isn't entirely rational?


Just as everyone has his own highest-priority political issues, everyone irked by political betrayal will have his own little list of the worst incidents. If nothing else, it makes conversations about such things variegated and lively.

The T.E.A. Party arose out of a sense of betrayal by the "Republican Establishment:" the "old guard" of long-established Senators and Congressmen that has steered the behavior of GOP caucuses for some years and appears cemented into place. Seniority in a legislative position is a cumulative asset: the longer you've held your seat, the more power accrues to it and the easier it is to retain it. That makes it difficult to displace a party's "kingmakers" in favor of younger and more combative blood. Nevertheless, T.E.A. Party support enabled three candidates, all well out of the Establishment vein, to attain seats in the United States Senate in 2010 and 2012. Those three Senators are responsible for all the vitality in that House of Congress, and they've attracted a mass of vilification to rival anything ever heaped on a Western politician.

I have great hopes for Ted Cruz, Mike Lee, and Rand Paul -- most especially for Paul, whose soft-spoken, highly appealing style seems well suited to the presidency -- but I also have great fears. They're politicians, members of an occupational category known for a powerful tendency to betray their followers. They're human, and so are guaranteed to have weaknesses and vulnerabilities. It's not impossible that, as good as they look today, their ongoing exposure to the incentives attendant upon legislative powers will corrupt them. We can only wait and see.

Meanwhile, they and the like-minded in the other House are fighting the good fight against the surrender-minded in the GOP Establishment. That guarantees something else: that those who are discommoded by their stances will target them with the heaviest weapons in the political arsenal. Indeed, we've already seen assaults on Cruz for his Canadian birth and on Dr. Paul for his father's eccentricities and questionable alliances. Expect more and worse the longer they hold out against the pressure to conform.

Strong, forthright convictions in politics have always carried a cost. Ask Sarah Palin.


Most politically aware persons don't have the temperament required to contend for political office. It demands too much of one's time and energy, the surrender of personal and familial privacy, and fortitude before the assaults of those who would see one brought down. There's no shame in admitting that to oneself, or insisting upon it to those who insist that "you really should run, Fran." (Yes, I've been approached thus. I still talk to those people...well, to some of them, anyway.) For a man with political principles founded on deep moral premises to enter the arena requires more than energy and equanimity: he must be unusually courageous and staunch in the face of the attacks he will confront and the vilification he will surely receive. This is made even worse than it would otherwise be by the behavior of our Legacy Media.

I heard a snatch of an interview with Newark mayor and Senatorial candidate Cory Booker yesterday. Whenever Booker evaded a question, the interviewer backed down. Only on one occasion -- the question whether Booker lives in Newark or outside it -- did the interviewer even dare to pose the question twice. It came to nothing: in the pattern established by Booker's mentor Barack Hussein Obama, the candidate "ran out the clock" by changing the subject -- indeed, by ranting about rival Steve Lonegan's "extremist views" and his association with the T.E.A. Party.

Even if it was as obvious to other listeners as it was to me just what was going on, it's more likely to have reinforced the typical listener's conviction that "they're all liars and thieves" and to intensify his resolve never to grant his trust to a politician. A sincere interviewer, passionate about the truth and its importance in politics, would have cut Booker off in mid-sentence, and said explicitly to the audience that "the candidate is clearly unwilling to answer that question." No such thing occurred.

The betrayals of politicians are greatly assisted by the media's disinclination to put an evasive or clearly prevaricating politician "on the spot" in a fashion that denies him a convenient escape. Political betrayals might be possible without such cooperative betrayals by the media, but they'd certainly be a lot harder.


For five days I allowed myself to live in a betrayal-free world: a world in which the statements of others could be relied upon as a predictor of their subsequent behavior. The temptation to return to it, never again to leave it, is strong. I have no doubt that many other decent Americans -- i.e., the sort that want nothing from others but respect for their rights -- feel much the same.

Sunday, August 11, 2013

Reflections In A Weary Eye: A Sunday Rumination

"Man's got to know his limitations." -- Clint Eastwood as Harry Callahan in Magnum Force

There's really no age at which it's unimportant to "know thyself," but it becomes ever more critical as one ages. By the time you get to my age, it's approximately a matter of life and death, if only to keep the stress from bursting a few choice blood vessels.

In our era of pervasive unearned "self-esteem," far too many of us think we have a God-given right to:

  • Like ourselves;
  • Think well of ourselves;
  • Think ourselves superior to others.

This is, to be maximally gentle about it, not guaranteed.

Why these observations this fine August morning? Well, let's just say some very recent events have compelled me to admit certain things about myself to myself that aren't all that palatable. Worse, I don't think I can do anything about them. However, if I can't change them, I can still avoid those situations and gatherings where they're likely to cause me to do things I'll regret later.

It's a given that no one has complete control over his circumstances. It's less well known, or admitted, that very few, if any, of us have complete control over ourselves.


I have had it up to the eyelashes with priests who conflate the religious obligations of a Christian with the adoption of a particular political stance. I'm not about to commit a murder, mind you, but I am getting pretty near to leaving my parish and finding another.

A priest who tells his flock, whether explicitly or implicitly, that it's their Christian duty to support or oppose this or that government program has departed from the teachings of Christ. "The things that are Caesar's" are matters of conscience: i.e., they're for each Christian to decide for himself. For to take a position on any such matter implies a consequent obligation to oppose the government in the event that events develop in the opposite direction. I don't suppose I need to elaborate on the potential consequences of such a course.

If your congregation suffers a relentlessly political cleric, the sooner you haul him up short, the better -- and don't take any backtalk, whether from him, or (if he's not the pastor) from his superior. He's doing damage to the faith, to the congregation...and to his own soul.


Time was, to name a price and have it met constituted a contract -- possibly not a legally enforceable contract, if the event was conducted privately and orally, but a contract binding upon one's honor nevertheless. Among the great captains of industry of bygone days were many who prided themselves on "deal by handshake." Once they'd shaken a co-bargainer's hand, the deal was set, and they would as soon attempt to renege as try to stop the rotation of the Earth.

I've had two such contracts sundered, against my will, in the past six weeks. Both were for six-digit amounts of money. Both involved significant negotiations and generous time horizons. It got me wondering whether there's anyone out there who still considers his word to be his bond.

Many persons experience such disappointments through channels such as eBay. Sellers who won't follow through on a contracted sale; buyers who bid and then won't pay; buyers and sellers who decide to meet privately so as to avoid paying eBay its agreed-upon slice of the take. Whether petty or grand, it's still larceny. If it's seldom prosecuted, that's mainly because there's so much of it going around.

People constantly fulminate, often in public, about how litigious a society America has become. But litigation doesn't spring up from nothing, like some sort of super-toadstool. It arises from dishonor: the desire to get what one does not properly deserve.

The legal "profession" -- yes, those are "sneer quotes" -- deserves a large share of the blame. Lawyers grow fat when there's a lot of conflict and starve when there's little or none. But their principal role is to act as seducers, holding out the promise of unearned gains through legal action. Were ordinary Americans less susceptible to such promises of payola, we'd be a lot less inclined to sue one another.

Christ might not have said anything directly relevant to this subject, though forgiving one's neighbor for his trespasses "not seven times, but seventy times seven" would appear to apply.


Moods come and go. Good ones and bad. Yours and mine.

No doubt you can tell that I've been in a funk recently. That's due to developments most of which are better kept to myself. I'm hoping the fog will soon lift, for it makes me less than effective at the many things I must do, I should do, and I want to do. I pride myself on my effectiveness; I dislike to have it impeded. I also feel much gratitude to those who, in their several ways, have helped me to bear up.

America is in bad shape. That's generally beyond dispute on the Right side of the political spectrum. But it's important -- nay, critical -- that conservatives and libertarians maintain their optimism. Once that's gone, hope will be gone as well...and despair is the sin for which one cannot atone.

The great Marshall Fritz, founder of the Advocates for Self-Government, once said to me that the thing most obviously lacking from the larger liberty movement is hope. We need hope if we're to restore Constitutional, freedom-respecting government to these United States. When times are bleakest is when we need it most.

Similarly, when things are tough for us materially -- and how long has it been since so many Americans were having trouble making ends meet? -- hope is essential. Nothing worth having comes without effort, and no one can mobilize his forces without hope.

Finally, when one is politically untroubled and materially secure, one can still be lost emotionally. I've been there. You can feel the hope draining out of you as such an interval wears on. If you let that process continue, pretty soon you can't face others. In extremis, you can't even face the coming of a new day. You find yourself contemplating the most terrible thoughts...and presently the Eternal Footman is standing but a little way off, holding your coat and snickering.

There is but One to whom we can apply for hope's replenishment. Fortunately, He's always available and very easy to talk to.

Pray.

May God bless and keep you all.