Friday, January 10, 2014

Urgently Needed Filterings

Most Americans are decent persons who respect others' rights, property, and general sensibilities, an assessment that holds despite considerations of race, religion, and ethnicity. The problem I plan to address today is expressed by its first word of the previous sentence.

We who desire a free society have several serious problems to face. The worst of them are getting worse as we speak. More, they share a common characteristic that makes them exceedingly hard to address in an effective and conclusive fashion.

That characteristic will become clearer as you read.


Never has the United States been so welcoming, if de facto rather than de jure, toward persons from cultures utterly alien to our own. The influx has elicited several unfortunate bend-over-backward measures intended to "accommodate" them. Frequently they establish exclaves within which they hold to norms, including legal and judicial norms, sharply at odds with our own. And now and then they treat us to an outbreak of barefaced lawlessness that cannot be identified other than with their identity group.

(If you're in any doubt about which culture I mean by "our own," it's the one that speaks English, worships Jesus of Nazareth as the Son of God and Redeemer of Mankind, believes in each individual's natural rights to his life, his liberty, and his honestly acquired property, and speaks and acts in defense of those things when they're threatened. Concerning "accommodations," if you've ever had to "press 1 for English," you know what I mean.)

Novelist David Brin attributes our solicitude toward these unruly newcomers to "otherness:" a compulsion to subordinate our own interests and worldview to those of an identifiable "other" who does not share them. That labels the problem but stops short of describing its mechanics. What makes so many people reflexively willing to tolerate the irritating, the disruptive, and the outright intolerable remains a research problem for the social psychologists. However, the consequences, and what we can do about them, are of more interest this morning.


The "knockout game," owing to some extremely high-profile cases, including a Congresswoman, has finally "made the papers." There's no denying any of its most salient characteristics any longer:

  • Violent attacks by packs of black youths;
  • Attacks on unsuspecting and undefended white victims;
  • The greatest frequency is in urban areas with a substantial black population.

(Go ahead, scream racist!!! if you can't hold it in. I've grown quite used to it. Indeed, a week without being decried as a shameless bigot is like a week without ice cream. Anyway, whatever makes you feel better. Just get it over with, and I'll continue.)

Needless to say -- yet I find that I must say it anyway, on pain of further screams of racist!!! -- the perpetrators of these attacks are not representative of American blacks. Most American blacks are decent, self-supporting persons who respect others quite as much as you or I. However, they succumb rather easily to the impulse to "protect" the miscreants among them from "whitey's justice." Separating the villains out from the rest is made far more difficult thereby. Worse, this inclination to "racial solidarity" in preference to ethical solidarity helps to reinforce and perpetuate the criminality of the violent subgroup.


No essay here at Liberty's Torch would be satisfying without mention of the national political discourse. It's become exceedingly bitter and shrill in recent years, and has incorporated manifestations of personal malice Americans haven't had to endure since the Lincoln Administration. Granted that the worst of it emanates from the Left side of the table, it's still something decent persons would rather see eliminated by all the parties involved. Whether there's any chance of that is unclear.

The redoubtable Tammy Bruce has some thoughts on the subject this morning:

Why are liberals becoming even more vile in their public discourse? I contend it’s a result, in part, of the fact that they get away with it, and they gain power as conservative leadership retreats from the ugliness. There have never been any serious consequences for liberal hate speech, threats and general cultural assault. Conservatives, on the other hand, the target of that bile, act on their inherent decency and “forgive and forget.”

We’ve all watched with familiar astonishment some in the leftist media expressing their rank malice for conservatives with not just the usual horrid insults, but arguments for specific personal harm to be done, and the mocking of a child. My concern is the reaction by high-profile conservatives who, after having been smeared in the most repugnant of ways, immediately accept the apologies of the liberals who slander them. This pattern needs to change. Conservatives must recognize that accepting apologies from liberals who cross the line only reinforces the myth that these attitudes are one-off “mistakes,” uttered by normally decent people. As a former liberal, I assure you nothing could be further from the truth.

Miss Bruce is almost exactly correct..."almost" because the tendency to forsake all standards of decency in political exchange is slowly seeping into conservatives as well. The consequence is a general disinclination, most pronounced among Americans who espouse neither a particular ideology nor a party alignment, to exchange views with persons who might not be similarly inclined.

Yet the vile-mouthed, vile-minded sorts remain a minority among American liberals. (Yes, they're an even smaller minority in the Right). The uncommitted "middle," over whose support both ends of the political spectrum constantly contend, is largely baffled by the whole thing and feels only a strong aversion to it.


Separating the intolerable from the larger mass, in all the cases above, has become the single most urgent social problem this country faces. It's at its worst when the enclosing supergroup actively shields the intolerable subgroup from correction.

There are things we cannot do. More important, there are things we must not do: things that are ethically equivalent to lynching. But there are things we must do as well. They pertain to the overextension of "tolerance" as the politically-correct enforcers have urged upon us for several decades.

We must cease to tolerate vileness in our public discourse.
We must cease to tolerate exhortations to hatred from groups we have welcomed into America.
We must enforce the rule of law -- American law -- uniformly, regardless of any and all concentrations of race, ethnicity, or religion.
We must absolutely and utterly cease to tolerate violence against the innocent.

These are requirements we understand better in the abstract than we do in the concrete. Therein lies our problem:

We are reluctant to move against media outlets and political figures who spout malicious slanders.
We are uneasy about condemning the promoters of hateful creeds -- especially hateful religions -- for their savagery.
We hesitate to break up exclaves formed by immigrants, even when those exclaves are openly contemptuous of the larger society and its norms.
We move against black thugs and those who shield them timidly, when we do so at all.

There have been too many illustrations of our sluggishness about these ills for the matter to be arguable. Worse, we often accept meaningless, even hurtful cosmetic measures on the grounds that "we've got to do something or people will think we don't care!"

The problem is one of filtration: as I stated above, the separation of the intolerable from the larger mass, regardless of how the larger mass feels about it. In some cases, such as Islam, it might well be impossible. In others, it demonstrably requires only will and effort.

So far, that will and effort has been conspicuously lacking.

Thursday, January 9, 2014

Vigilance 2014: Employment Moves

As 2014 gets rolling and the critical November elections approach, there will be a few key phenomena freedom advocates must monitor to get a sense for "whether there's hope." One of those is the aggregate of moves by the federal and state governments on employment.

Not all government initiatives with important impacts on employment are obvious as such at first glance. Secondary consequences brought about by incentive effects will sometimes demand more penetration to work out. For example, while the depressive effects on employment of ObamaCare are fairly clear to anyone familiar with the structure of the law, those of the repeated extension of unemployment benefits require a bit more thought.

Alongside that, it's well to bear perpetually in mind that when Democrats in power act on employment, they prefer to do so in a fashion that benefits the elements of their coalition. Democrat administrations will strain to see to it that unionized trades are first in line for any goodies hurled off the back of the truck. Here's an example from New York State:

Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, entering an election year with no formidable opponent and an improving economy, claimed on Wednesday to have brought New York State back from the brink of financial ruin and unveiled proposed tax cuts and a promise of statewide prekindergarten classes, telling lawmakers that when he became governor, New York was “literally a joke on late night TV.”...

Mr. Cuomo affirmed the state’s commitment to early childhood education, and made a promise to deliver full-day prekindergarten, but he did not say how much it would cost.

The "universal pre-K" pledge addresses several Democrat strongholds, but not to be neglected are the teachers' unions. The rise of powerful anti-union currents in other parts of the country, and the demonstrated success of educational initiatives that utterly ignore the unions, have the unions even in union-friendly states rather worried. Cuomo's pre-K promise is a signal to that component of his base that they'll be taken care of in his moves on education.

Somewhat more difficult to analyze are Barack Hussein Obama's orations on "income inequality." This chimera of an issue has been a Democrat favorite since FDR's days. They do their best to efface the critical facts about income:

  • It is not "distributed;" it is paid and earned, as recompense for valued services rendered by a worker to an employer or a customer.
  • It depends on a huge number of factors, not the least of which is the scarcity of the skill being employed.
  • The true value of an income measured in dollars depends above all else on the value of the dollar.
  • Persons with greatly different dollar-denominated incomes can enjoy remarkably similar standards of living, according to the regions in which they live.

Any federal program that expands federal spending for a program to address "income inequality" will thus have the following primary and secondary effects:

  • It will increase federal borrowing.
  • It will expand Civil Service employment.
  • It will create one or more new beneficiaries of federal action (the "iron triangle" effect).
  • Inasmuch as it will be guaranteed to fail -- i.e., to have no effect or a perverse one -- it will elicit cries for more spending and greater scope of action from those poised to benefit from it.

With a Democrat in the Oval Office and Democrats in control of the Senate, you may rest assured that such a program would be meticulously sculpted to favor Democrat coalition members, to an even greater extent than the above tabulation of predictable effects would suggest. Note how stridently the Democrats, from a minority position, demanded that the newborn Transportation Security Authority (TSA) be a unionized shop. Note also how little resistance the Republicans mounted to the idea.

The very best predictor of Democrat electoral success is how successful they've been at stoking the fortunes of their coalition partners. Keep an especially sharp eye on programs likely to benefit any of the following groups:

  • Civil Service;
  • Single mothers;
  • Unionized trades;
  • Environmental activists;
  • Racialist and ethnicist mouthpiece groups.

Employment gains engineered by the Democrats, whether at the federal, state, or local level, are overwhelmingly likely to be aimed squarely at one or more of those groups. Remember that you read it here first.

Wednesday, January 8, 2014

"The System"

There's a lot of talk about "the system." Everyone has his own conception of it, which usually flows from the most important of his dissatisfactions. Nattering too freely about it can get you into trouble. But now and then, an articulated conception of "the system" proves to be critical to our understanding of the conditions and circumstances immediately around us:

One must understand the political situation as it exists. There is no reverence for the Constitution, the only thing that decides who does and who does not wield the power and authority the citizens have placed in the government. There is a means by which to elect representatives, but representatives and senators who refuse to obey their oaths of office, who turn a blind eye to abuses of power and outright usurpation of their own powers can not be functioning as representatives or senators and therefore, whether duly elected or not, are traitors and subversives.

There are no separation of powers, no equality of governmental branches. There is a president acting wholly outside the Constitution, usurping and abusing power without limit or consequence. Once the Supreme Court signed off on Obamacare, it effectively ruled that whatever the government wishes shall be done. The decision, in that case, was so sloppy and contradictory that it demonstrated an absolute disregard for the rule of law, the Constitution, stare decisis and any number of other judicial instruments of justice.

The system is broken. It is no longer a system of government at all, but rather a system of power.

T. L. Davis has summarized our plight more succinctly than I've seen it done before.


The Republic no longer exists. It breathed its last some time ago, though commentators of like mind disagree on the date that belongs on the death certificate. Nevertheless, the fact of the matter in the present day is beyond rational dispute.

The Republic was a system: a consciously designed counterposition of authorities, agents, interests, and latent corrective mechanisms intended to bring about a particular kind of nation. For a while, it worked as its designers had hoped. However, the emergence of dynamics they could not have anticipated brought about its downfall.

Some of those dynamics are fairly obvious: special-interest politics, the welfare-warfare state, the "national security state," and so forth. A couple require close scrutiny and hard thought.

The Founding Fathers sincerely hoped that the system would self-correct when it wandered from their ideals. Occasionally, it did; the balances and corrective mechanisms they designed were not pro forma gestures intended as cosmetics over a scheme for absolutism. But as time passed, the countervailing dynamics grew stronger than those intended to curb them. Certain developments stand out above the rest:

  • The use of direct taxation to create clients of the federal government, who would agitate for the expansion of its powers and activities;
  • The intimidation of the federal judiciary into a rubber stamp for the other two branches;
  • The loss of the ethic of independence and citizen sovereignty among Americans generally.

The last exertions against federal redistribution came during the administration of Grover Cleveland:

Though there has been some difference in statements concerning the extent of the people's needs in the localities thus affected, there seems to be no doubt that there has existed a condition calling for relief; and I am willing to believe that, notwithstanding the aid already furnished, a donation of seed-grain to the farmers located in this region, to enable them to put in new crops, would serve to avert a continuance or return of an unfortunate blight.

And yet I feel obliged to withhold my approval of the plan as proposed by this bill, to indulge a benevolent and charitable sentiment through the appropriation of public funds for that purpose.

I can find no warrant for such an appropriation in the Constitution, and I do not believe that the power and duty of the general government ought to be extended to the relief of individual suffering which is in no manner properly related to the public service or benefit. A prevalent tendency to disregard the limited mission of this power and duty should, I think, be steadfastly resisted, to the end that the lesson should be constantly enforced that, though the people support the government, the government should not support the people.

The intimidation of the federal judiciary was the work of Franklin D. Roosevelt:

The Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937[1] (frequently called the "court-packing plan") was a legislative initiative proposed by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt to add more justices to the U.S. Supreme Court. Roosevelt's purpose was to obtain favorable rulings regarding New Deal legislation that had been previously ruled unconstitutional. The central and most controversial provision of the bill would have granted the President power to appoint an additional Justice to the U.S. Supreme Court, up to a maximum of six, for every sitting member over the age of 70 years and 6 months.

During Roosevelt's first term, the Supreme Court had struck down several New Deal measures intended to bolster economic recovery during the Great Depression, leading to charges from New Deal supporters that a narrow majority of the court was obstructionist and political. Since the U.S. Constitution does not mandate any specific size of the Supreme Court, Roosevelt sought to counter this entrenched opposition to his political agenda by expanding the number of justices in order to create a pro-New Deal majority on the bench.

As for the loss of the citizen-sovereignty ethic, it's difficult to put a specific event or date to it. However, the last visible exertion of citizen sovereignty of which I'm aware was The Battle of Athens. Since then, private citizens have not, at least to my knowledge, taken up arms against a corrupt governing body.

Those three developments, and their many corollary offshoots, fatally undermined the system the Founding Fathers had put in place.


T. L.'s concluding sentence is a call for a new sort of pro-freedom activism:

The fact is, unless we are willing to become tyrants ourselves, for our cause, as just as it truly is, there is no way to do this [i.e., restore the Republic] peacefully. Since I hold there is no way, I see no other alternative than to become subversives to the system in order to secure liberty and justice. Ourselves.

What that would mean at the point of implementation isn't perfectly obvious. To be a "subversive to the system" -- that is, to the system that has displaced the Republic -- is a statement of intention, not of method. However, it provides an orientation: Aim to undermine the edifice that has been built upon the Republic's rubble. It also provides far more food for thought than an essay of this brevity will normally offer.

Once In A Great While

...I encounter an article that truly baffles me -- not in the sense that it defies my ability to comprehend it, but rather in the sense that I cannot imagine what scheme of government or ethics would permit its author to wander about without a minder. And thus it is today, as I was catching up with a few blog-favorites.

Via Ace of Spades, which points to My Pet Jawa, comes a rant that must be read to be believed:

Just to recall a basic fact: Intercourse/PIV is always rape, plain and simple.

For those of you unacquainted with the latest in "radfem" acronyms, "PIV" is short for penis in vagina.

With many other logical atrocities and cries for psychiatric help, I'd exhort you to read the whole thing, if only for the novelty of the experience. But that first sentence is all you need to know what's coming...or maybe not:

If we compare this to even the crappiest online definition of violence: “behaviour involving physical force intended to hurt, damage, or kill someone or something”. Bingo. It fits: Pregnancy = may hurt, damage or kill. Intercourse = a man using his physical force to penetrate a woman. Intention / purpose of the act of intercourse = to cause pregnancy. PIV is therefore intentional harm / violence. Intentional sexual harm of a man against a woman through penile penetration = RAPE.

I'd say the author is uninterested in having children, wouldn't you? That's probably just as well. Also, the author's site doesn't offer us a photo of her. At a guess, that's also probably just as well.

I'd thought that sort of misandry and hatred-of-the-natural-self had been completely leached out of feminism some time ago. Apparently I lead a sheltered life.

Just a little something to help you finish waking up.

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Imaginary friend(s).

The central illusion of Progressives is that an all-powerful central state will not become a self-serving expansive empire, but will be content to wield its vast powers to protect its favored cartels/monopolies and distribute money skimmed from the citizenry to Progressive constituencies such as public unions, [and those wanting free] healthcare and education.

This is an absurd fantasy.[1]

I read a comment somewhere on the web (SOTW) that made fun of Christians for believing they have imaginary friends interested in their earthly welfare and in saving them from the fires of Hell. Other religions were viewed in the same light by this gentleman but I don't remember which ones offhand. The commenter clearly thought that he as a secular person was free of such pathetic, irrational beliefs. Bill Maher, too, likes to talk about fools who believe in talking snakes and just as clearly considers himself to have graduated to a higher plane of existence inhabited by wise progressive secularists like himself.

What secularists (often) and progressives (always) do believe in is the imaginary wise persons in the legislature, the courts, and the bureaucracies who conducts themselves with one eye firmly fixed on the highest ideals of "good government" treating all citizens promptly, equally, and fairly guided at every turn by the dictates of reason, honesty, selflessness, law, and restraint. This imaginary being

Bureaucrat.
is far more real to secularists and progressives (communists, socialists, liberals, and statists) than any divine and arguably invisible Being thought to govern the affairs of men. Leftists (e.g., the majority of the Republican Party) routinely hand over enormous amounts of power to flesh and blood government officials heedless of the danger in doing so as can be deduced from direct experience and history. Necessarily leftists believe in a transformation of human capabilities every bit as miraculous as the transformation of the Eucharist, a phenomenon I have highlighted earlier.

Given the track record of the religious and the secular in our times, I'd sooner believe in a talking snake than in benign, efficient, wise government. Unfortunately, the latter is the dominant paradigm of our times.

But not for long:

As a society, our debt levels are completely and totally out of control. Our financial system has been transformed into the largest casino on the entire planet and our big banks are behaving even more recklessly than they did just before the last financial crisis. We continue to see thousands of businesses and millions of jobs get shipped out of the United States, and the middle class is being absolutely eviscerated. Due to the lack of decent jobs, poverty is absolutely exploding. Government dependence is at an all-time high and crime is rising. Evidence of social and moral decay is seemingly everywhere, and our government appears to be going insane. If we are going to have any hope of solving these problems, the American people need to take a long, hard look in the mirror and finally admit how bad things have actually become. If we all just blindly have faith that "everything is going to be okay", the consequences of decades of incredibly foolish decisions are going to absolutely blindside us and we will be absolutely devastated by the great crisis that is rapidly approaching. The United States is in a massive amount of trouble, and it is time that we all started facing the truth.[2] 

Notes
[1] "Pimping the Empire, Progressive-Style." By Charles Hugh Smith, Of Two Minds, 1/7/14.
[2] "83 Numbers From 2013 That Are Almost Too Crazy To Believe." By Michael Snyder, Economic Collapse Blog, 12/16/13.

Inheritances

There's a wealth of things I could write about today...as usual. But in wandering among them, seeking a common theme, I happened upon one I would not have expected. The more I contemplated it, the more sense it made to me.

I wonder if it will affect you, Gentle Reader, the same way.


It was once said of the French -- derogatorily -- that their core problem is that they think they built Paris, whereas they really only inherited it. Granted that, if we except the banlieues, they've done a decent job of preserving that patrimony. But it would be pathetically wrong to claim credit for originating it. I hope contemporary Frenchmen don't give themselves that particular air.

But there are many inheritances in the world. Not all of them are acknowledged. Not all are appreciated and preserved. Some are treated with contempt:

They unwound and flung from them with rage, as a rag that defiled them
The imperial gains of the age which their forefathers piled them.
They ran panting in haste to lay waste and embitter for ever
The wellsprings of Wisdom and Strength which are Faith and Endeavour.
They nosed out and digged up and dragged forth and exposed to derision
All doctrine of purpose and worth and restraint and prevision:

And it ceased, and God granted them all things for which they had striven,
And the heart of a beast in the place of a man's heart was given….

An inheritance of value is not to be treated in such a fashion. The great problem, of course, is that not all of us evaluate by the same standards. It gets worse when one surveys the changes in standards that have occurred over time.


Let's start here:

What advice would you give to a retired Air Force Colonel that has three graduate degrees and that cannot even find work as a janitor? 59-year-old Robert Freniere once served as a special assistant to General Stanley McChrystal, and he has spent extensive time in both Iraq and Afghanistan. But now this man who once had an office in the heart of the Pentagon cannot find anyone who will hire him.

The cited article goes on from there to report on several other cases just as tragic. It's a sobering review of casualties of our Obamunized economy. The Obamunists' ordnance continues to reap lives and careers today through ObamaCare, Federal Reserve currency inflation, the never-ending tsunami of regulations, and tax policies that might have been calculated to frustrate a recovery. But I'm particularly struck by the plight of Colonel Freniere, a highly educated, highly regarded combat veteran.

It's possible that except for those who've just read that article, no one who can help Colonel Freniere knows of his situation. It's possible that none of the firms to which he's applied for work are fully aware of his service and his stature. It's possible that the colonel's ordeal is about to come to an end, and that all will be well henceforward. But it doesn't seem likely.

Time was, an employer aware of a veteran in such a plight would refuse to permit it to continue, out of patriotism and simple decency. Time was, Colonel Freniere would have been the subject of a bidding war, so obvious is his immense value to just about any kind of firm.

Time was.


    "Have you anything left to loot? If you didn't see the nature of your policy before — it's not possible that you don't see it now. Look around you. All those damned People's States all over the earth have been existing only on the handouts which you squeezed for them out of this country. But you — you have no place left to sponge on or mooch from. No country on the face of the globe. This was the greatest and last. You've drained it. You've milked it dry. Of all that irretrievable splendor, I'm only one remnant, the last. What will you do, you and your People's Globe, after you've finished me? What are you hoping for? What do you see ahead — except plain, stark, animal starvation?"
    They did not answer. They did not look at him. Their faces wore expressions of stubborn resentment, as if his were the plea of a liar.
    Then Lawson said softly, half in reproach, half in scorn, "Well, after all, you businessmen have kept predicting disasters for years, you've cried catastrophe at every progressive measure and told us that we'll perish — but we haven't."

[Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged]

How far back our blindness to our inheritance runs is a matter of some dispute. Some commentators place the beginning of our slide at the inception of the New Deal. Others believe the Wilson Administration was the originator of the trend. Still others look as far back as 1890 for the seminal events. For my part, I remember as a child listening to rumblings from the adults around me about the political depredations and the destruction of the American economy through government meddling and confiscatory taxation. Yet many of those adults worked at jobs or in trades that would not have existed except for federal interventions into the economy -- and they'd fight like cornered weasels to keep their subventions, no matter the cost.

Being a child of immigrants, I was often to hear of the beauties of "the old country." I was often to hear Ireland or Italy compared favorably to the United States. I was exhorted to make visits to "your ancestral homeland" a part of my adult adventures. But I never heard my progenitors say what had impelled them to set forth from those shores to these, never to return.


I did learn, much later, about some of the terrors of my parents' birthplaces. I learned about the need for permission for everything, the endless taxes and fees, the arbitrary application of the law, the seemingly absolute immunity of misfeasant and malfeasant officials, and the extraordinary value of being "connected." It made sense to me that persons able to flee such treatment would do so. But now that it's come to our shores, where shall we flee?

A little short of two years ago, March of 2013, I told the story of how California's Franchise Tax Board would confiscate money directly from any bank accounts they can find.

The article starts with a story of someone who had $1343 confiscated from his Wells Fargo bank account for tax year 2006 despite not residing in California in 2006, not filing a State income tax return, not doing any business in the state, not owning any property in the state and not having any known tax issues left from when he did live in the state. As often happens, once such a story surfaces more stories come pouring in. Perhaps the most outrageous, because it's the highest total I know of, the California FTB sued Gilbert Hyatt, the inventor of a microprocessor chip, for $50 Million tax fraud. The problem is Hyatt claimed he wasn't a resident of California when he invented the processor, rather that he lived and worked in Nevada. One can imagine that if you've invented something with a great potential for royalties, they'll try to tax your income saying you thought of it while changing planes in California, or vacationing, or any other excuse they can think of to claim part of it.

In today's comments, I received an update to that story. The corruption is still going on. They provided a link to more stories at Stephen Clark's California Political News and Views.

Have you had the California Franchise Tax Board take your Social Security check or money from your bank without notification or explanation? Did you move out of State without notifying the Board and they continue to take money from your banks accounts, though no longer a California resident—oh, you have no obligation to tell the State you moved.

Just victimized last week. I live in Oregon. Moved from Ca late May, 2000. Never received anything from them. Never had notice of a lien. They told me that because I held a Real Estate License in the year 2000 and didn’t file a CA return in 2000 that they assessed me a tax based upon the average income of a real estate professional in CA in 2000. That average income was $45,000 ! They took my SS, my little savings account, and part of the support from my husband. I am frantic ! to say the least.

Me too! Last week the CA FTB stole almost $2000.00 from my bank account here in Colorado. They took every last penny. I moved out of Southern California in 2006 and did not notify them so according to them they can charge me with not filing a return for 2007 and take my money. I have faxed them proof I didn’t live there but they don’t respond and you can’t reach them by phone unless you have two hours or more to be put on hold. If someone told me this happened to them before it hit me I would have doubted this is legal.

The 92 comments are full of more stories....

...There are no words for the level of scum bag government this sinks to. This is the worst of Banana Republic thuggery.

What California is doing will not long be done in California alone.

This sort of governmental peculation was one of the reasons for the vigilance committees of the Nineteenth Century. Despite the bad press they've received from State-worshipping historians, the vigilance committees were effective and generally as faithful to justice as any "official" judicial process has ever been. No doubt you will be unsurprised to hear that those most opposed to them were the frontier officials delivered to their just deserts thereby.

Americans of those places and times were absolutely unwilling to flee. Indeed, many had gone West because of their hatred of political corruption in the settled East. They appreciated the responsibilities that accompany political freedom. The highest of those responsibilities was -- and is -- the righting of wrongs perpetrated "under color of law" -- i.e., by the State and its agents.

But Americans don't do such things any more. Instead, we beg for mercy. We plead with the Omnipotent State to let us keep what we've earned...what we've managed to retain after a seemingly endless process of taxation and excision. And as any sane man would have predicted from the natures of the agencies and persons involved, nothing of substance changes...just as it was in "the old country."


If there's a worst aspect to our disrespect toward what we inherited, it might be this: Even those of us who know what we've lost and are losing largely lack the ability to express it coherently, much less to defend it.

The problem is one of fundamentals. American schools -- grammar schools -- once taught the fundamentals of the American approach to government: individual freedom; constitutionally limited government; the sanctity of free enterprise and private property; the guarantees of the Bill of Rights. Schoolchildren learned about the insights of John Locke and Adam Smith, and why they constituted important advances in human thought. Without those things, comprehending the American way of governance sufficiently well to articulate it is impossible -- and a large majority of Americans lacks those things today.

He who lacks appreciation for the moral imperative and the practical case for freedom will fall back to other "values." He'll defend whatever crumbs he can beg from the Omnipotent State as his "by right," even if they must be snatched from the mouths of persons just like him. He might never discover what he's been denied. He might never learn the principles that built the country he inherited...and which he and so many others lack the wit, and possibly the will, to sustain.


Yes, these are gloomy thoughts. I hope you didn't come here today looking for a pick-me-up piece. But these are gloomy times.

The defense of the Republic is failing because too many of us who genuinely understand and love freedom are aging toward oblivion, and too many of our inheritors look upon our bequests, whether material, intellectual, or emotional, with bewilderment.

What, then, must we do?

Monday, January 6, 2014

What could go wrong?

When in England the right to vote was extended to all citizens in the 19th century, a wise contemporary observed, “now we have to educate our masters”.
"Karl Marx For President." By George Handlery, The Brussels Journal, 1/1/14.

What Future Has Freedom Of Religion?

Via Nice Deb, we have an article that embeds a particularly piercing key sentence:

Archbishop William E. Lori of Baltimore, the chairman of the religious liberty committee of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, declares, "the freedom of religion cannot be reduced to the freedom of worship." [Emphasis added by FWP]

Has it ever occurred to you that freedom of worship is distinct from freedom of religion? Granted that there are places such as Saudi Arabia where there's neither, at least for persons who don't accept the State-sponsored religion. In several nations with established churches, such as Britain, you can find freedom of worship and some degree of freedom of religion. But true freedom of religion is something that exists nowhere...because the meaning originally given to the phrase has been drained out of it.

Note that I speak here of freedom in the political sense. Smith is politically free to do X if there are no legal or political costs or penalties associated with doing X: that is, if the State cannot punish, license, or regulate him in any way in his practice of X. However, if the State claims the power to do any of those things to Smith on account of his practice of X, it is not free; it is a conditional grant of permission that the State can retract at its whim.

Freedom of religion in the United States took its death blow in U.S. v. Valentine Y. Byler. Byler was an Old Order Amishman, whose religion prescribes communitarian assistance to one’s neighbors in unearned difficulty. They disdain insurance, including the "social insurance" nominally offered by the welfare state. Therefore, when the IRS attempted to collect Social Security payroll taxes from them, they resolved to resist. Byler was their test case.

The court decreed it proper for the IRS to seize some of Byler’s horses in "payment" for uncollected Social Security taxes. After that, the Old Order Amish, religiously enjoined from violence even in defense of life and property, were helpless, despite American "freedom of religion."

The overarching principle expressed by that case is plain: When government dictates clash with religious conscience, government wins and conscience must give way. In a few very obvious cases -- the mala in se of murder; kidnapping; rape; theft; fraud; and the sexual abuse of children -- this rule is unexceptionable. But beyond those subjects, where you might expect it to apply, there is no "freedom of religion." There is no "conscience exemption" for whatever the State might demand of us. There is only "freedom of worship" -- and only in those churches approved by the local zoning board.

As I wrote at Eternity Road two years ago:

This is really a special case of a far larger tragedy. As Eric L. Harry's fictional anarchist theorist Valentin Kartsev said in Harry's blockbuster Protect and Defend:
"Rights are an archist concept. Rights have no meaning except when confronted with superior power. They are what is left to the people after the government has taken all its wants. Your country's Bill of Rights defines your most cherished freedoms how? By limiting the legal power of government to encroach upon them."

Now that a "compelling government interest" can be asserted to override any claim of rights, it becomes quite clear that freedom -- of any variety, not just religious freedom -- no longer exists in these United States. We have no rights as such are properly understood; we only have permissions, or perhaps the temporary forbearance of a Leviathan that hasn't gotten around to shackling us yet.

Given the events of the century behind us, particularly those of the past five years, would anyone care to disagree?

(Paul of Tarsus, who once claimed that it is a Christian's religious duty to submit to the State, could not be reached for comment.)

Death Knell For Micro-Finance

There are days when it all seems just too clear:

On October 23, 2013 the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) issued the proposed rules for Regulation Crowdfunding. The 585-pages included an explanation of the rules, the feedback it received, and a cost/benefit analysis.

Please read the whole article, and as many of the comments as you can.

Costs? To be borne by those hoping to get a project off the ground via Kickstarter or a similar mechanism. Benefits? To the Omnipotent State and its financial hangers-on, whose interest in stifling venture capital efforts that evade their clutches is beyond disguise.

Regulation is a tool used by over-large firms to create barriers to new entrants into their fields. Its utility to established firms was well described by George Stigler in his work on regulatory capture. Regulatory agencies invariably go to large, established companies for the "experts" they need to "guide" their area of authority. The consequences could not be more obvious.

The importance of regulation to the protection of established firms from new competitors is the most important component of the Bigness Dynamic: the way in which Big Government nurtures giantism of other sorts, and teaches its Brobdingnagian clients to love, worship, and propitiate it. Wherever it's proposed that regulatory agencies extend their reach, you may rest assured that the "mature," established companies in those domains are poised and ready to pounce on the emergent levers of power.

The financial giants have long looked upon micro-finance -- the original term for "crowdfunding" -- as a looming threat to their baronies. It's thwarted their efforts in several foreign lands. Now that it's begun to make its power felt in these United States, the Big Players will wait no longer. The Omnipotent State will gladly oblige them; it's an opportunity to grow still further, with luscious prospects for baksheesh.

Micro-finance has been an inestimable blessing to nascent businesses in the Third World, and to many a small charity anywhere. Its emergence here was a bit tardy, but since then would-be developers and artists of several kinds have flocked to it in large numbers.

Inasmuch as new ventures are always a threat to established powers in their fields, the Big Players in finance have slavered for a way to throttle this engine for growth. It appears that their dreams -- and the nightmares of those who feared that the Establishment would find a way to derail their dreams -- are approaching reality.

What's that, Gentle Reader? You, as a conventional work-for-wages employee of a Fortune 5000 company, can't see how this development could affect you? Hm. Have you forever forsworn involvement in any independent venture, then? It's not unknown for a man to change his mind about such things, even late in life. And what about the jobs new, micro-financed ventures produce? Is it at all possible that one of those might someday be of interest to you...or to one of your children?

No man is an island,
Entire of itself,
Every man is a piece of the continent,
A part of the main.
If a clod be washed away by the sea,
Europe is the less.
As well as if a promontory were.
As well as if a manor of thy friend's
Or of thine own were:
Any man's death diminishes me,
Because I am involved in mankind,
And therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls;
It tolls for thee.

John Donne

Sunday, January 5, 2014

Epiphany Sunday

It seems the Church has decided to move the Feast of the Epiphany, the commemoration of the Gifts of the Magi to the newborn Christ child, to the Sunday immediately following New Year’s Day. I'm not entirely pleased with that decision, but then, I still celebrate Memorial Day on May 30. Anyway, if you're desperate for a "pure" Epiphany rant, here's the one I posted last year at this time. I find that I cannot usefully add to it.


Epiphany has been variably interpreted to mean revelation or realization. There isn't really that much room between the two phenomena. A sudden realization is seldom traceable to an identifiable observation or chain of reasoning. Such an awakening could well be a gift from On High; at any rate, we would be hard pressed to prove otherwise. What matters is the soundness of the fresh knowledge: its trustworthiness and its wholesomeness, properties very difficult to separate.

When the subject is religious faith or belief, there will always be room for both dissent and doubt. That doesn't mean that two contradictory propositions can be simultaneously correct, but that in matters of faith we are allowed no certainty while we linger under the veil of Time. He whose faith is founded on a personal revelation proceeds from private knowledge. A legally minded type would tell you: revelations are not admissible in court. Paul of Tarsus did not rise among the Apostles by presenting irrefutable evidence of having been chosen, but by the evident force of his conviction and the efficacy of his labors.

Revelation of another sort is critically important to many Christians. The Bible is regarded as a source of revealed knowledge, even though every word of it was penned by men. Indeed, much of the Old Testament is probably heavily fictionalized if it isn't pure fiction meant to instruct by analogy.

(A colleague of mine who abandoned the Church once said that the Bible should come with a warning sticker: Important, If True. However, much of his disdain attached not to Christianity but to the behavior of far too many Christian clerics. Given his focus, and his apparent unwillingness to distinguish between core Christian doctrine and the misbehavior of some in Roman collars, I decided not to press him about the matter.)

Many "returnee" Christians -- we who drifted away from the Church for some reason and have been moved to return to it in our latter years -- claim to have experienced a personal revelation. The cynic tends to attribute such returns to the combination of a guilty conscience with a cover-your-ass mentality: "I know I've been a bad boy, and even if the Christ story seems wildly implausible it might be true, so I'd better hedge my bets." If you've ever seen the movie The Boys In The Band, protagonist Michael provides an example of that sort of thinking.

I can speak only for myself, but it wasn't that way for me.


[The following was first posted at Eternity Road on December 9, 2007.]

He was far from home, alone in a sterile room in a cookie-cutter businessmen's hotel, a storage warren for men on the road for purposes not their own. The television was off. The mini-bar beckoned, but he knew better than to indulge in his present mood. Dinner could wait, and anyway, there was room service around the clock.

He'd just returned to his lodgings after an exhausting day. It had been filled with frustrating negotiation and petty bickering, even though he and his hosts were employed by the same firm. He'd never liked being on the road; it impeded his sleep and compounded his anxieties. On that occasion, he had more than usual to worry about, for he and his wife had fought bitterly on the night before his departure. They'd had their differences before, but the most recent set had reached an unprecedented pitch. Divorce seemed imminent.

For several years his life had been filled with anxiety and fatigue. Despite an impressive list of accomplishments and a reputation as a genius in his field, his employment had become insecure. He'd worked hard at being a good husband and father, but his children had turned away from him and his wife had grown cold. His health wasn't what it had been; several maladies common to older men had come upon him, further sapping his energies and causing him to wonder if his time of power was drawing to an end.

None of his troubles were new or nearly so. Yet he hadn't learned how to carry them in a way that would allow him not to dwell on them. They were forever near his thoughts and often at the heart of them.

His strivings had begun to seem pointless. What did it matter how good he was at his trade, or how dedicated he was to it? His achievements would soon be surpassed by other, younger practitioners. No work of man's hand wears the crown of its kind for long.

His attempts to heal the wounds in his family appeared doomed. His wife's priorities had drifted from his. Their lives centered on entirely different things. Their relations with their children were no longer as a couple, but as disjoint individuals. She could not abide any of his few friends; out of a desire for peace, he'd ceased to have them in his home. She would not have any of her family or friends to visit, perhaps out of fear that he'd treat them in similar fashion. He couldn't remember ever having done so, but surely she had a reason.

He was a scientist by education and a critical thinker by inclination and long habit. It was not his way to leave a problem unanalyzed, no matter how tender. But in his attempts to deal with his personal troubles, his powers failed him.

After all, he told himself, don't innumerable other men face the same sorts and sets of difficulties? My sorrows aren't unique. My colleagues share them. Some of them must bear far worse burdens. But they don't complain...at least, not where I can hear. Are they better equipped to deal with their slings and arrows than I am with mine?

He could not know. He would not ask.

Worst was the sense of meaninglessness. Nothing he did, or refrained from doing, would affect more than a few lives at most. Were he to die that day, he would be swiftly forgotten, even by those closest to him. In the cooler reaches of his mind, he knew that that is how it must be. No man should matter critically to great numbers. All grief must give way to the imperatives of life and the needs of the living. No individual, be he ever so gifted, should have the power to upset those balances.

In the place where his agonies lived, he knew he could not resist despair and its accompaniments for much longer. He'd begun to toy with terrible ideas. He'd managed to refrain from embracing them, but how much longer could he withstand the temptations?

Restlessness impelled him to motion. He donned his coat, strode out of the hotel, got into his car and drove aimlessly down the little harbor town's waterside street. Fishermen and pleasure boaters roamed the docks, in their several ways concluding their days on the water. Harborside bistros bustled with dinner trade. The late-winter evening was alight with commerce and indulgence, energies not yet spent by the day's labors.

Just past the docks and the commercial zone stood a small Catholic church, a white-clapboard saltbox with a modest cruciform spire. It appeared unpatronized: the doors were closed, the windows were unlit, and there were no cars in its tiny parking lot. The sign at the curb was illegible in the evening gloom.

Though he'd been raised Catholic, he hadn't been in a church in many years. Throughout his adult life, religion had struck him as a racket, a tool for the enrichment of its hierarchies at the expense of the credulous. Even so, he yielded to impulse, pulled into the lot, and went to the doors. They were unlocked.

There was no one inside. The nave was both short and narrow. The pews appeared old and hard worn. The altar was a simple table. The only light came from a gas lantern mounted over a gilded box affixed to the wall. From his early religious education, he knew it to be a Presence lamp. It was a rule in Catholic churches that the tabernacle -- the gilded box below the lamp -- must always be illuminated, for the transubstantiated host, the body of Christ, resides within.

He marveled briefly at his own presence there. He hadn't intended to visit any particular place. He certainly hadn't gone out looking for a church. He hadn't reexamined his convictions about religion or the supernatural in many years. Yet there he was, in obedience to a sense of obligation he could not define.

He entered a nearby pew, knelt on the kneeler, and made the Sign of the Cross for the first time in nearly thirty years.

It triggered a flood of memories. Humorless teaching at the hands of habited authoritarians, impatient with the questions of the young. A rigid discipline that implied that everything not compulsory was forbidden, or very nearly so. Stories of the lives of saints that emphasized their sufferings and renunciations. A program designed to turn children away from the Church could not have done a better job of it.

But he remembered other things as well. Promises of a blissful life after death. Assurances that a Being infinitely above the mundane and its trials took note of each creature that lived, and loved them all. The serenity of prayer and the quiet majesty of commemorative rituals. A story of unequalled magnificence, of a Deliverer who feared no enemy, over whom death had no dominion. Above all, the certainty that even the humblest life was rich with meaning to an Interpreter that knows all and forgets nothing. Whose judgments were beyond reproach.

Why did I leave all that behind? Was it too poisoned by its disseminators? Was I unable to separate the good from the bad at that age?

When I came into the fullness of my powers, why didn't I reassess it? Was I too embarrassed to do so, when it seemed that all the world had cast religion aside as a bad deal? Or was I unwilling to admit that my youthful reaction to being so brutally indoctrinated might have been excessive?

Apparently it was an evening for unprecedented thoughts. He chuckled at his own sobriety. If the stories were true, there was a battlefield within him, over which gods and demons struggled with total dedication and transcendent fury. Yet all he could remember of the days when those ideas had first been broached to him were humiliations, exhortations to repentance for guilt he didn't feel, and wooden paddles wielded to quell the unruly.

Were the stories true? His habits of analysis and the rigorous examination of evidence demanded that the question be squarely addressed. They could not be proved. Could they be disproved?

The key narratives were almost two millennia old. They confirmed one another, but no non-Christian source confirmed them in their totality. They spoke of suspensions of the natural law -- miracles -- of a kind never before attributed to any figure. If they were true, that Figure had to stand above Man in the order of things. If it were so, He could not have been a temporal, goal-driven creature, for He had no agenda of His own. He traveled, taught, healed, suffered, died...and rose from the dead.

Insight came upon him in a flash of blinding purity.

Of course no non-Christian source would fully confirm the Gospels. Anyone who wrote objectively of the miracles, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, reporting them as observed, well-testified facts, would have to be a Christian. He couldn't do so otherwise. So the lack of non-Christian confirmations means nothing.

It could all be true. It can't be disproved. All it requires is that I allow that there might be a God -- a Being above and apart from temporal reality, to which temporal reality is subject. There could be. That can't be disproved either.

Men went to horrible deaths rather than renounce it. Many men.

There are no words to describe what followed. Faith exploded through him, a Christian satori whose suddenness and totality stopped his perception of time. Was it God speaking to him along some trans-dimensional channel? Or was it his need for meaning, for a niche in existence that would endure after his mortal struggles had ended, groping blindly for its last remaining chance?

He could never know. But knowing was unnecessary. Acceptance was all that was required of him.

"Our Father, Which art in heaven," he murmured, "hallowed be Thy Name..."


May your personal epiphany, if you haven't had it yet, come swiftly and surely.

And may God bless and keep you all.

Saturday, January 4, 2014

With Its Credibility Already In Tatters

...MSNBC decides to "double down" on its worst PR loss of 2013:

THOMAS ROBERTS: Well as we look at that, because look at this, the Duck Commander company itself, it's worth a reported $400 million through the sale of duck calls, other items that they produce. We've got 11.8 million viewers tuning in for the premiere of season 4 Ladd. So this family earned $200,000 per episode that season and they represent and they speak to a large swath of the country. Primarily the stereotype almost that you just pointed out. But how do you try to combat that? Because, obviously they're within their rights to go ahead and do this. This is all legal.

LADD EVERITT: Well, look, I mean I think the Robertson family is banking on being able to market firearms, you know, by issuing some of these very extreme political comments and hoping that it appeals to basically a swath of far right-wing Americans that they assume are their main customer base. I'm hoping that backfires. When you poll gun owners in this country, the fact is that the overwhelming majority of them are very moderate in their views. And I think many of them will not embrace the type of, you know, misogynist, racist, anti-gay comments that Phil Robertson is making. And my hope here is that this strategy, if it is indeed a strategy, will backfire on them.

What's the undercurrent-thesis behind this otherwise inexplicable tirade?

  • Guns are evil.
  • Those who sell them are Merchants of Death who must be opposed.
  • The Duck Dynasty folks will soon use their marketing muscle to sell guns.
  • Whoopee! They really are a bunch of evil backwoods bigots straight out of Deliverance! Can we get some shots photos of them buggering trespassers?

Does anyone actually watch MSNBC, or are there just a lot of unwatched sets piled up in a basement somewhere, tuned to the channel in an attempt to fool the ratings agencies?

From The "That Wasn't Supposed To Happen" Files

Living well, they say, is the best revenge...but Schadenfreude runs a damn close second:

CANBERRA, AUSTRALIA – An Australian icebreaker carrying 52 passengers who were retrieved from an icebound ship in the Antarctic resumed its journey home on Saturday after it was halted for a second potential rescue operation.

The icebreaker Aurora Australis had been slowly cracking through thick ice toward open water after a Chinese ship's helicopter on Thursday plucked the passengers from their stranded Russian research ship and carried them to an ice floe near the Aurora.

But on Friday afternoon, the crew of a Chinese icebreaker that had provided the helicopter said they were worried about their own ship's ability to move through the ice.

The Australian Maritime Safety Authority's Rescue Coordination Centre, which oversaw the rescue, told the Aurora on Friday afternoon to stay in the area in case help was needed.

Was there a "happy ending?" (Apologies to any Oriental masseuses out there.)

"The masters of both Akademik Shokalskiy [the original, Russian expedition ship that became stuck] and Xue Long [the Chinese icebreaker] agree that further assistance from Aurora Australis is no longer required and they will be able to provide mutual support to each other," AMSA said.

AMSA said the Aurora had resumed its journey to Australia's Antarctic base on a resupply mission before returning to the Australian island state of Tasmania in mid-January.

Words cannot express, truly. Well, maybe some words:

"Your tears taste delicious." -- Eric Cartman, "South Park"

An Old Favorite Has Delegated His Blogging Duties

...to a fictional character -- but the result is eminently worthy:

Liberals: Assume I'm Right and You're Wrong...

AND SEE WHERE IT LEADS.

Now, this is not going to be an effort-free exercise. You’re going to have to put forth your hand, stretch your mind, and, see things from my perspective — i.e., the truth. Are you willing and able to even see the truth? Trust me on this: the Left has tried mightily to blind you to the truth since Left first became Left. That is to say, your entire system of beliefs is founded on a lie. In ignorance. On false premises.

It’s going to mean you must research the facts of your position and be ready to accept the truth. No hedging. No persiflage. No prevarication. No “greater truth.” (If you are urged to accept the greater ANYthing, you are, in essence, being asked to support a moral lapse in favor of an illusion. The so-called Greater Good subsumes a supposedly “Lesser” evil. But evil is a binary condition — something is or is not. There can be no shades of gray. And the claim that they exist is an attempt to blind you to the moral reality. The very notion of shades of gray in moral terms is a lie. It is evil. Not lesser: period. Plain old-fashioned evil.

No. A so-called “greater” good — an infringement against rights, for example, for the benefit of a majority (the “greater” part of this equivocation) — always subsumes a greater evil. No doubt, the Nazis would claim that the Holocaust was for the greater good. And, Godwin notwithstanding, so it goes. Someone always makes a sacrifice — and if it were willing, why would anyone have to ask? — in such a case. If you kill someone in the service of the “greater good” does that make your act not-murder? How does that work? Can you explain the mechanics of that?

My word. Dolly writes better than you do, Mark!

This is another read-it-all piece, not because you could ever get a committed left-liberal to accept the premise, the procedure, or the conclusions to be drawn from it, but because it's a perfect schematic for opening the mind of the uncommitted American: he who has shunned the political discourse as far too noisy and thus has refrained from explicitly taking a stand.

With that, I believe I'm ready to forgive the long lapses between new posts at Baby Troll Blog. Well, almost.

A Valuable Insight

Her fiction is variable, her advice on how to succeed in the indie-fiction market is dubious, and most of her other tirades run on for far too long -- yes, it’s Fran Porretto, He Who Cannot Shut Up Before Blunting His Point, saying that -- but all the same, Sarah Hoyt "gets it" to a degree many other opinion writers don't:

The big power of the industrial media complex right now is the power to destroy. They no longer have the power to burnish the image of their darlings, or to make us believe counterfactuals.

That's a large change from the Old Media's prior period of dominance, when, entirely because there was no alternative to them, they could knowingly promote complete falsehoods and get Americans generally to accept them as facts:

If they had the same sort of control over the streams of information/entertainment that they had back in the 40s they would have pulled off their stated goal of making this administration the second coming of FDR. In fact, the more we learn about FDRs effect on the economy of the nation, the more that seems distressingly likely. If they’d had even the type of control over the media that they had back in the early 90s, we would too believe this first lady is a beauty queen, instead of rolling our eyes at the covers proclaiming this. (No? We did believe that Hilary was efficient and intelligent, which considering she advanced in life the old fashioned way – by marrying a man who did – was quite a rasper.)

Which doesn't mean that the Old Media has been utterly defanged:

The bad news is that there is something that they can still do and do quite handily. Heinlein observed in The Moon Is A Harsh Mistress that it’s much easier to make people hate than love. Our media has lost the ability to make us dote on their darlings, but they can still turn public opinion against anyone they choose.

It’s not very rational; it’s not very sane; they don’t even try to make it plausible. Instead they tell a big huge whopper – Sarah Palin made rape victims pay for the rape kit, say – and then keep repeating it, making jokes about it, using it as a throw away line by late-night comedians you know “Oh, well, of course she’d have cut the deficit. The American people would need to pay for its own rape kit.”

And suddenly it’s everywhere. Part of it is coordination, of course, and part of it is the willingness of marginally attached left groups to jump in on the buzzword of the day, which happens not through conspiracy but through the fact that these people desperately want to be cool and be like the cool people they see on TV.

I don't often feel this way about one of Mrs. Hoyt's columns, but this time, please read it all -- not because you're guaranteed to agree with every point therein, but because her concluding recommendation desperately needs to be evaluated morally. If it's:

  1. The best countermeasure to the Old Media's destructive powers, and:
  2. Morally acceptable;

...then it should be deployed and practiced widely. But what if it isn't?

Friday, January 3, 2014

Assorted

There’s an embarras de richesses on the Web this fine morning, and inasmuch as I'll seize upon any excuse not to run outside and fire up Snidely the Snowblower until matters become truly life-threatening, you, Gentle Reader, will be the, ah, beneficiary.


1. The Ages Of Man.

First, via our beloved InstaPundit comes this frustrating article by David Brin:

Consider the world of 1913, when regular middle-class folks in the U.S., U.K., France, Germany and so on were acquiring unexpected wonders: clothes-washing machines, gas stoves, gas and then electric lighting, indoor plumbing, refrigeration, vaccinations, telephones, radios, motor cars. Stepping outside you would see and hear human beings flying through the sky -- with a looming confidence that soon you would get a chance to join them.

Science was pouring forth what seemed unalloyed goodness. New dyes and industrial textile methods doubled a working family’s access to fresh and beautiful clothes. Cheap iron bedsteads kept cheap spring mattresses clean, making sleep both healthier and far more comfortable. Nations were banning child labor and providing free schooling. Astronomers discovered what galaxies were. Physicists were pushing their pure and harmless science to fantastic frontiers. And the Haber-Bosch process brought cheap fertilizers that tripled crops, as chemistry proved itself to be everybody’s friend.

Think our era is similarly fast-changing? Just compare the kitchen of today with a kitchen of 1950. Sure, everything nowadays is shinier, smarter. Still, a person from 1950 could use our apparatus with fluid familiarity. But the drudgery-saddled housewife of 1880 would blink in bedazzlement at what her daughter used in 1913. Life itself was changing at a pace never-before seen, and mostly for the better.

It's puzzling that Dr. Brin, an intelligent and accomplished man, should fall into the very same trap that has reaped so many other thinkers. One's gauge of "progress," regardless of the points in time that bound one's measurement, is invariably an expression of what one values. Dr. Brin deems the changes of 1814 to 1914 as swifter and more pronounced because they strike him as more dramatic -- the word qualitative comes to mind -- than those of the century that followed. The business about "a person from 1950," which also appeared in a similarly irritating article on the same subject by the late Robert A. Heinlein, is the giveaway: "They figured it out without a manual or a guide, so how much 'progress' could it really be?"

By contrast, we have the prediction by Herbert Spencer -- and in case you're in any doubt about it, Gentle Reader, I'd bet the rent on Spencer against any contemporary thinker -- that, from the trends he had observed over his lifetime (1820 - 1903), Mankind would have to endure "a century of socialism and war." Spencer was demonstrably correct. Given that, just how much "progress" of a moral, ethical, social, political, or philosophical sort can we reasonably attribute to the century that ended with the start of World War I?


2. The Lessons of 2013.

Simon Black, the "Sovereign Man," recaps four lessons the year just behind us has taught us...those of us who were watching, anyway:

  1. Politicians believe there are no consequences for destroying our liberty…
  2. Central bankers and economists believe there are no consequences to printing money…
  3. Investors think there are no consequences to deficits, or debasement...
  4. But Joe Six-Pack knows this is all crap.

The opinions of Mr. Black, a successful international investor and entrepreneur, deserve respect...but not infinite respect. The four statements above are predicated on his observations of the behavior of the relevant communities: politicians, government money manipulators, investors, and common citizens. He has inferred the convictions of those persons from their responses to developments. Were context utterly unimportant, his inferences would be unquestionably correct.

But context does matter. For example, a year is politically a relatively short time. The consequences for the political elite consequent to their incursions on individual freedom might yet arrive -- and some politicians, at least, can see the storm clouds on the horizon. Of those, some merely hope to escape unharmed before the axe falls, while (a few) others struggle to reverse the tide. Black's overgeneralization does not capture these variations.

Similarly, not all investors are blind to the consequences of governmental profligacy and currency debasement. However, even those who are sensitive to those things might well believe that they have nowhere to run -- that the traditional "safe harbors" for endangered wealth are as thoroughly compromised as the dollar. In my view, that assessment is more correct than not.

There are perils in the unwillingness to disaggregate when disaggregation is appropriate.


3. Illumination Strikes.

Possibly the most neglected of all mental cleavages, and beyond all dispute one of the most important for social amity, is the ability to oppose, even condemn, a phenomenon without demanding that the law take a hand in it. This is at the heart of religious tolerance; without it, the various sects represented in these United States would be perpetually at war.

But the importance of the matter goes well beyond religious belief:

I've completely flipped on this.

I still react with hostility to the pot subculture -- these people are so psyched about a mild hallucinogen it's just sad, really; they wear pot-leaf necklaces, for crying out loud -- but my distaste for someone's lifestyle and preferences is no justification for a law presuming to squelch those choices.

Whether I approve of this or not, these people are happy. Why should that bother me?

I mean, Let's Be Honest, it does bother me. It's a very deeply human thing to resent someone enjoying something one doesn't enjoy oneself.

I think pot laws and most drug laws are paternalistic. They are a vehicle for the majority of society expressing their distaste for a certain lifestyle, in the guise of helping the wayward find a better way of living.

But we really ought to respect other citizens as adult, free human beings. And freedom means the freedom to make mistakes, or, if not mistakes, to make choices the mainstream of society doesn't approve of.

We don't all have to be mainstream.

I've long admired Ace as one of the very best writers in the DextroSphere. With the above, he demonstrates a degree of mature judgment that 95% of Americans who style themselves conservatives could benefit immensely by emulating.

Bravo!


4. Modern Racism.

How long has it been since you heard the "NAACP" acronym expanded to its full meaning: the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People? And how long has it been since anyone muttered "advancement at whose expense?" within your earshot?

Ponder this article and think it over.

I'm put in mind of a snippet from Atlas Shrugged:

The National Alliance of Railroads was an organization formed, it was claimed, to protect the welfare of the railroad industry. This was to be achieved by developing methods of co-operation for a common purpose; this was to be achieved by the pledge by every member to subordinate his own interests to those of the industry as a whole; the interests of the industry as a whole were to be determined by a majority vote, and every member was committed to abide by any decision the majority chose to make.

"Members of the same profession or of the same industry should stick together," the organizers of the alliance had said. "We all have the same problems, the same interests, the same enemies. We waste our energy fighting one another, instead of presenting a common front to the world. We can all grow and prosper together, if we pool our efforts." "Against whom is this alliance being organized?" a skeptic had asked. The answer had been, "Why, it's not 'against' anybody. But if you want to put it that way, it's against shippers or supply manufacturers or anyone who might try to take advantage of us. Against whom is any union organized?" "That's what I wonder about," the skeptic had said.

Time was, the NAACP could represent itself as a force for equality of the races. Today it's merely a union organized, as all unions are, against the public interest:

The regular blackmail of the public, of which some American trade unions are guilty, and which cannot in any sense be ascribed to their members' real needs, is an obvious example of the way in which even economic extortion gradually comes to be seen as normal. -- Helmut Schoeck, Envy: A Theory of Social Behaviour.

The truly ironic thing about the NAACP is that its machinations bring harm, rather than gain, to its supposed beneficiary group. Its intent, judged by its actions and their consequences, is the advancement of the "colored persons" who run it: as agitators of racial strife, as speakers to similar black-racialist groups, and as promoters of "economic extortion." Anyone familiar with the career of the odious Jesse Jackson will immediately recognize the pattern.

Today, racism in America is a tool used solely by American "colored persons," against the rest of us, via the mechanism of unearned guilt. But the race-card has been played too often. All the ink has worn off it. The racialist-extortionist groups have sown the wind; presently, they will reap the whirlwind.


5. Some Reflexive Reflections.

It isn't often that I indulge in comment about an Esteemed Co-Conspirator's article here at Liberty's Torch. My Co-Conspirators have their own opinions. We don't agree on everything, which is as it should be. But some subjects strike me as too important for such artificial reserve.

The forced intermingling of the races that arose from the collaboration of white and black slavers of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries has proved to be a disaster for all concerned. Slavery was more than a moral disaster; it also created enduring loci of interracial hostility. That hostility might have been avoided had the white race been morally sufficiently advanced not to marry political and technological superiority to the enslavement of those of other races. Fortunately, the white race has learned better. However, as I noted in the segment above, those hostilities are being sustained and stoked by those who profit from them, which suggests that our black brethren still have a few faults to outgrow.

Nevertheless, here we are. How we deal with the matter will be one of the keys to the century before us.

Colonel Bunny's lead sentence suggests that our past errors have put us on the brink of irreversible collapse:

Third-world immigration is a formula for inundation and destruction of white civilization. Yet, today, Western nations lie down like a beat cur dog in the face of demands of would be immigrants who presume a right to enter, settle in, feed off, and take over the finest civilization ever to be built on the planet.

I could not agree more. The root of the thing is the unearned guilt rampant over slavery -- a practice 150 years dead -- extended to persons of other climes who haven't even got that much of a claim on our sympathies. Our de facto open-borders policy would never have come to pass were American whites not beaten down "like a beat cur dog" by racialist groups eager to exploit our conscience pangs over the sins of persons long dead.

The extinction of those conscience pangs requires the resurrection of the moral-ethical principle of individual responsibility. This is the most important of all social campaigns. The effort must start with our youngest children, and must be as determined and unflinching as the racialists have been relentless.

Teach your young ones to say I don't owe you squat when it's the objectively proper attitude. All else is socially suicidal folly.

Thursday, January 2, 2014

A glimpse of the multicultural future.

Third-world immigration is a formula for inundation and destruction of white civilization. Yet, today, Western nations lie down like a beat cur dog in the face of demands of would be immigrants who presume a right to enter, settle in, feed off, and take over the finest civilization ever to be built on the planet.

No view of third-world reality, however starkly presented, is sufficient to warn White westerners of the civilizational threat posed by their own fatuous, pathetically naive views of, um, culture. For the foreseeable future it's thus still Open House in all Western countries.

Consider the post-independence Democratic Republic of the Congo:

Le Blanc earns his keep sailing the tributaries of the Congo River. He's 40 years old, and his real name is Malu-Ebonga Charles — he got his nickname, and his green eyes and dark honey skin, from a German grandfather who married a Congolese woman in what was then the Belgian Congo. If Le Blanc's unconventional genealogy gave him a unique view of the Congo’s colonial past, it is his job on the river, piloting three dugouts lashed together with twine and mounted with outboards, that has informed his opinion of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s present. “The river is the artery of Congo’s economy,” he says. “When the Belgians and the Portuguese were here, there were farms and plantations — cashews, peanuts, rubber, palm oil. There was industry and factories employing 3,000 people, 5,000 people. But since independence, no Congolese has succeeded. The plantations are abandoned.” Using a French expression literally translated as “on the ground,” he adds: “Everything is par terre.”

It’s true that our journey through 643 kilometers of rainforest to where the Maringa River joins the Congo at Mbandaka, has been an exploration of decline. An abandoned tugboat here; there, a beached paddle steamer stripped of its metal sides to a rusted skeleton; several abandoned palm oil factories, their roofs caved in, their walls disappearing into the engulfing forest, their giant storage tanks empty and rusted out. The palms now grow wild and untended on the riverbanks and in the villages we pass, the people dress in rags, hawk smoked blackfish and bushmeat, and besiege us with requests for salt or soap. There are no schools here, no clinics, no electricity, no roads.

* * * *

Le Blanc isn't much concerned with that history [of Belgian rule]; he lives in the present, in a country where education is a luxury and death is everywhere. Around 45,000 people die each month in the DRC as a result of the social collapse brought on by civil war, according to a study released in January by the International Rescue Committee. It estimated the total loss of life between 1998 and April 2007 at 5.4 million. For many Congolese like Le Blanc, the difficulties of today blot out the cruelties of the past. "On this river, all that you see — the buildings, the boats — only whites did that. After the whites left, the Congolese did not work. We did not know how to. For the past 50 years, we've just declined." He pauses. "They took this country by force," he says, with more than a touch of admiration. "If they came back, this time we'd give them the country for free."[1]

In short, complete and utter failure to take the hand off from a European nation and run with it. Utterly useless.

Another useful comparison between civilizations: In the U.S., 3,446 blacks were lynched by whites over 86 years. That's a yearly average of 40 lynchings. In the perfidious U.S., that is. In the 9-1/4 years in which 5.4 million Congolese were killed by other (black) Congolese, extra-judicial killings took place at a rate of 583,784 per year. Which nation, judged by a commonsense, unhysterical, honest standard comes out as civilized? Or are they equal?[2]

New Year's bonus video offering: "Africa Addio" or "Africa Farewell." A lesson in multiculturalism and the African culture that must be imported into the West. If you don't understand Italian, it won't matter. The visuals need no translation.

H/t: "We Went Backwards," subsection of "Heart of Darkness," in "2.2 Come Back, Colonialism." By Karl F. Boetel, Radish, 4/12/13. Mr. Boetel offers this disclaimer regarding this list of recommended reading (of which "Africa Addio" is one recommendation): "We recommend the following resources. (We do not, however, necessarily endorse all opinions expressed in them: some are not nearly extreme enough.)"

Notes
[1] "Come Back, Colonialism, All Is Forgiven." By Alex Perry, Time, 2/14/08.
[2] For a glimpse of U.S. realities along Congolese lines (sans widespread massacre . . . so far) see "Camden: Death by Diversity."

For The New Year

No, this won't be about New Year's Resolutions...mostly, anyway.


The division of our lives into conventionally understood units of time -- days; weeks; months; years -- comes with a sense that dividing lines of other sorts are being crossed. That sense isn't wholly fictitious -- after all, the day and the year, at least, are pretty strongly bound to natural phenomena we can all detect -- but it is capable of misleading us even so.

So: here we are at the start of a new year. What has changed? What can we expect to change?

Well, certain aspects of ObamaCare kick in with the new year. And of course, Americans are generally assembling their tax records for the annual trial of patience imposed upon us by the Internal Revenue Act. But otherwise, there's a great deal of legal and political continuity between 2013 and 2014. Given the balance of power in Washington, we might expect things not to change much...or perhaps not:

Glenn Beck, whatever you might think of his style, is exactly correct. We have an aspirant to absolute power -- a fascist dictator -- in the Oval Office. More, he's made a practice of appearing as frequently as possible, before crowds that will encourage his dictatorial aspirations. Given the political disaster 2013 was for Barack Hussein Obama, which of the following strikes you as his more likely response to the turn of the calendar?

  1. Gee, I really screwed things up in 2013, so I'd better dial it way back and let others who've demonstated more insight have their say and their way this year.
  2. Hmph! Those reactionary peasants in Congress are annoying the hell out of me, so I'll just ignore them and seize still more unConstitutional authority.

Don't measure the man against the Constitutional role of the president; measure the times, and the people, against the man.


Freedom advocates continue to possess an unchallengeable grip on the facts and the logic of political dynamics, moral-ethical theory, and macroeconomics...and near-to-complete ignorance of the realities of political outreach. In support of this claim I submit this column by Harry Binswanger. Please read it all; I shan't excerpt it, as it's the overall orientation and tone that matters.

Binswanger is unquestionably a bright and erudite man. His substantive representations are all dead-on-target. However, his column suggests that he's unsuited to preaching to anyone but the already converted. "Radicals for capitalism?" That's two grievous rhetorical mistakes in three words!

The problem is non-objective -- it pertains to the connotations of violence and mass disruption attached to "radicalism" and the supposed heartlessness of "capitalism" in the typical person's mind -- but it is severe even so. It causes many a hearer to shut down, sometimes completely, and to pre-emptively reject the associated message. That might not be the reaction of a Forbes reader, but it's been an impediment to advocates for the free market for decades.

Freedom lovers must become more rhetorically adept. We must learn what tropes not to invoke -- what "buttons" not to push -- if we're to make significant headway against the forces of darkness. Consider the connotative appeal built into the preferred rhetoric of the Left (e.g., "compassion," "security," "brotherhood") and try to imagine the comparative reaction of typical Americans. It's probably the most serious problem freedom evangelists face -- and don't kid yourself: If you seek freedom, and hope to persuade others to embrace it, you're an outreach worker -- an evangelist -- a preacher.

If you want to improve at this sort of thing, get these CDs and listen to them over and over again until you can recite them from memory. Seriously.


That's enough about politics for the moment. Let's talk about more individual matters.

Quite a lot of persons, especially young adults, are desperate to get others to take them seriously but are at a loss for how to go about it. This is a more severe problem than you might think, and not just because no one wants to be regarded as a nonentity or a placeholder. He who is not taken seriously is prone to being manipulated by others, for their purposes and against his own interests.

The core of the problem is one's orientation. For Smith to get people to take him seriously, it's utterly mandatory that he reject a concept that has received quite a lot of air time these past few years: the concept of self-esteem.

"Self-esteem" is how you evaluate yourself. It can be, and usually is, completely disconnected from how others evaluate you. That being the case, effort Smith spends building up his "self-esteem" is irrelevant to how Jones views him:

  • Does Smith strike Jones as agreeable company?
  • Does Smith strike Jones as a potential source of gain?
  • Does Smith strike Jones as someone Jones shouldn't mess with?

Not one of these things has any necessary connection to Smith's "self-esteem."

This admittedly abrasive column by David Wong is a necessary slap in the face for anyone fixated on his "self-esteem." If you're unsatisfied with the way others treat you, consider it a wake-up call. If you're generally happy with your personal, familial, and professional relations, pass it along to someone less satisfied. As a grace note, read this old column by William Grim and ponder its implications.


I have several "must-do" items on my list for 2014: completing my financial rearrangements for my impending retirement from my "day job;" four novels to be plotted, including one I've delayed for far too long; a slew of tasks pertaining to my home and grounds; and the reanimation of certain personal connections I've neglected for some time. It promises to be a busy year. But with this piece and yesterday's tirade about tastes and "adulthood," I hope to have started well. But the point of my writing, whether opinion-editorial or fictional, is to effect positive changes in the world beyond my doorstep. Herewith, I have a request for you, Gentle Reader:

Now and then, let me know how I'm doing at it. Please.

And once again, Happy New Year.

Wednesday, January 1, 2014

The Yums And The Sneers

I hadn't intended to write anything today. Really. Here at the Fortress of Crankitude, New Year's Day is traditionally reserved for junk-food recovery and miscellaneous grousing about undelivered mail-orders. But Ace backlinked to a post I didn't see when it was "fresh:"

Everyone likes sweets, of course. But he [Adam Carolla] was getting at the idea of reversion to the juvenile. That adults, rather than simply attaining the taste for actual coffee, and you know, drinking coffee, were instead reverting to their Childhood Palates of insisting that all things be "nummy."

That they be very sweet, and even very cute. "Moccachino." That's cute, isn't it?

And what adults had historically done, he said, was embrace adult tastes. Cigars taste good to an adult cigar smoker because he has cultivated that taste. Oysters don't taste good to a kid; oysters taste good to an adult who has cultivated a taste for oysters. Cognac isn't good because it's sweet. Cognac is good because we have embraced adulthood and trained ourselves to embrace more sophisticated tastes.

...and it got me thinking...and you, Gentle Reader, are about to suffer the consequences.


The heart of the Carolla / Ace tirade is the concept of acquiring the taste.

In one of Steven Brust's non-Dragaera novels, Cowboy Feng's Space Bar and Grille, there's a brief exchange between the narrator-protagonist and his love interest:

    She sat down next to me and sipped some of my drink. She made a face.
    "It's single-malt whiskey," I said. "It's an acquired taste."
    "Why did you want to acquire it?"

There is a wealth -- a genuine wealth, not just another bit of Fran Porretto hyperbole -- of insight in those three lines:

  • Hard liquors are unkind to the digestive system, particularly the liver and the stomach;
  • Whiskey is very expensive;
  • Whiskey of any sort tastes biting and medicinal.

So why did he want to acquire a taste for it?

In another novel, Michael Halberstam's neglected classic The Wanting Of Levine, the protagonist invests considerable effort in "acquiring the taste" for tequila, which he originally characterizes thus:

    "This is good tequila," the friend said.
    Levine tried it. The stuff tasted like the sweat of hell.
    "If this is good tequila," he said, "then what is bad?"
    "Don't ask," the friend said.

In that case, there was an explicit reason: Levine, a Northeastern Jewish traveling salesman who had been assigned the Deep South as his demesne, believed that to win the confidence of his target customers, he had to be able to drink with them. He had, therefore, an economic motive for subjecting himself to considerable displeasure until he'd become accustomed to it.

Clearly, pleasure did not enter into Levine's consumption of this "luxury good."


When I was a lad, I discovered, upon first encountering them, that I liked certain foods that other children routinely disdained:

  • Liver
  • Mushrooms
  • Spinach
  • Broccoli
  • Brussels Sprouts

This evoked a lot of "ewww!" commentary from other children near to my age. I wasn't supposed to enjoy those things. I was violating "guild rules" by liking them and admitting to it. I shrugged it off -- I've always been something of a maverick -- but it's remained a point of curiosity with me ever since.

Mind you, I also enjoyed various delights that nearly all children enjoy -- chocolate; ice cream; pastries of just about any variety -- but that wasn't newsworthy. That was "well, he's a kid after all" stuff. My defections from juvenile solidarity on the thou-shalt-not-enjoy food list were what evoked comment.

But note: all the other kids, in their desperation to "be grown-up," wanted to smoke. To me it seemed the most pointless and disgusting practice any human being had ever adopted. More, I could see that the attempt to smoke inflicted suffering and damage on my coevals. Why were they doing it?

I still enjoy all the things I did as a child, without changes. I still reject all the things I rejected as a child, with one exception: I came to enjoy semi-sweet white wine. And in this Year of Our Lord 2014, I shall celebrate my sixty-second birthday.


The whole "juvenile tastes" versus "mature tastes" business is an artificial attempt to separate adults from children in a qualitative way. Not to put too fine a point on it, it's a crock of shit. There is no qualitative difference by which an "adult" can be told from a "child." All the differences are differences of degree, including the most important one: the acquisition and acceptance of responsibilities.

There's an admirable authenticity, in my eyes, about an adult who'll admit to still loving ice cream, chocolate, and sweets. It's not that I share those tastes, but that so many adults who do share them are abashed about them and conceal them as best they can. Recent commercials by a certain tequila company to deride such tastes strike me as offensively manipulative: "Drink this so you'll look like a man."

BALDERDASH!

Here's how to "look like a man:"

  • Stand behind everything you say.
  • Take full responsibility for your actions.
  • Fight for innocents who are unable to fight for themselves.

If you've been casting about for New Year's Resolutions to adopt, feel free to use those three; no charge. Forget the condemnation of "nummy tastes." If you genuinely enjoy sweets, the sole reason to eschew something of that variety is diabetes.

And seriously, folks: Happy New Year.