Thursday, September 5, 2013

Diversities

No, no, not that sort of "diversity." I have another target in mind. Bear with me through a brief ramble and you'll see.


I grew up in a highly homogeneous environment, which I once described this way:

I did most of my growing-up in Orangeburg, a small town in Rockland County, New York, in the Fifties and early Sixties. It was a place most modern children would disbelieve in, unconditionally.

The doors had locks: snap locks that you could force with a credit card. However, this was before credit cards, and the locks didn't get that much use anyway, because who on Earth would intrude into someone else's home uninvited?

A home with a television in it wasn't a rich man's home, but two televisions marked a household as well-to-do, and perhaps a little more materially indulgent than was really good for a family with minor children. A color television was an object of wonder. I've never forgotten the thrill of seeing Bonanza in color for the first time.

Yards were kept neat and clean. Maintaining them was regarded as a civic duty. One homeowner let his lawn go unmowed for three weeks, and thereby earned a visit from a group of his neighbors, who wanted to know what had happened that he couldn't keep up with his responsibilities.

Children of all ages wandered the neighborhood without fear. Parents were confident that their neighbors, and their neighbors' older children, would look out for the young that hadn't yet come into their full senses. A driver that honked at a child who was a little slow to cross the street risked being shucked out of his automotive armor and disciplined in public.

I remember one universally beloved little girl, named Janie, whose innocent enthusiasm for life was the delight of our block. I once caught Janie toddling across my back yard, looking for my younger sister Donna, bursting with eagerness to tell Donna something that had just occurred to her. She'd hopped out of her bathtub and scampered across her back yard and into our own to do so. She was wearing what one usually wears in the bath. Archimedes might have blushed; Janie didn't.

It was an overwhelmingly Catholic community. There were five Masses each Sunday morning, and all of them were attended to capacity and beyond. The parish priests were regarded as higher authorities than any elected functionary. When our pastor was elevated to Monsignor, we young ones were stunned that the town didn't hold a parade.

Most of the children attended the parish's grammar school, St. Catherine of Alexandria. Despite St. Catherine's huge class sizes -- classes of fifty were the norm -- standards were high, and the pressure to get in never slackened. The local public grammar school was regarded as a refuge for the children of lazy parents, who didn't care how their kids were taught; it had many unoccupied desks. Competition among the latter-grade students at St. Catherine's was intense; we all wanted to go to the local Catholic high school, Albertus Magnus, and we knew there weren't places enough for all of us....

In those years, Orangeburg's residents were working-class white and Hispanic families. I don't remember any blacks. I don't know what to make of that. Draw what conclusions you will.

There was no "diversity" in Orangeburg in those years. We were all Caucasians. We were almost all Catholics. We were almost all politically conservative. And we all loved America, wholeheartedly and with no reservations.

And we were happy, secure, and free.


"Diversity" is the shibboleth of our time. We're all supposed to bow down to it. On the left, it means variations in skin color and nothing else. On the Right, it means diversity of opinion and outlook, and perhaps in lifestyle, whatever that might mean.

If ever a false god was erected among us, "diversity" is surely one.

"Diversity" is about differences. Differences among men are to some degree inevitable. Yet no imaginable chain of logic leads from that simple observation to the conclusion that we should seek out differences, or regard them as good in and of themselves.

Perhaps I'm painting with too broad a brush. I value persons of greater erudition or knowledge; that difference is useful to me, though perhaps not to them. I value persons of greatly different experiences; the perspectives they can open to me are ones I might never have achieved on my own. Yet it still seems to me that the "diversities" so many other people praise are cleavages more likely to bring about chaos and harm as understanding and growth.

Some years ago, I challenged a left-liberal friend who'd been blathering piously about race relations with a simple problem, phrased approximately thus:

You live in a peaceful, prosperous, all-white neighborhood. All the working-age adults work; all the school-age kids are in school. Imagine that one of your neighbors were to sell his house to a black family with rowdy young members. Imagine that their treatment of their property were to be so lax as to degrade your quality of life, and perhaps the value of your property. Imagine that their caperings were loud, expansive, and reached far into the night -- every night. Imagine finally that they were to leave trash in the street in front of their house, in such disorder that your local trash collectors would refuse to gather it in. Would you feel that you have a right to demand that they behave more considerately? If not -- or if such a demand was angrily rejected -- what would you do next?

My friend absolutely refused even to deplore, much less act against, the "diversity" represented by that hypothetical intruder family. It's all about cultural validity, she said: we must understand and respect the different ways of different peoples, and make them feel accepted where they'd previously been unwelcome. She actually asserted that she would feel a moral obligation to remain in her home -- that even if she were offered slightly more than its market value and could move without other negative consequences to her family and its arrangements, she would feel obligated to remain in her newly "diverse" neighborhood.

Gentle Reader, I couldn't think what to say to her. Could you?


The Ace kicker to the exchange immediately above was, of course, that my friend's reaction to such a development would be much different if the rowdy, dissolute, disruptive intruder family were white. That's the power of racialism in this day and age. However, my central point here is that the behavior, not the race or ethnicity, of the intruder family is what matters. Their skins could be as white as hers, yours, or mine; it would do nothing to make their behavior more acceptable. Yet I wouldn't have heard her cite "diversity" as a value to be defended or promoted were there no racial component to the problem.

Similarly, America's problem with illegal immigration isn't that the illegal aliens flooding over our borders are Hispanic, but that they have largely rejected American norms. Many have isolated themselves in communities in which American norms are not respected. They could all be upper-class Frenchmen, yet the problems they present -- mainly, indifference to American law and critical American commonalities (e.g., language) -- would be no less.

Diversity of behavior can destroy a functioning community. Genuinely destructive diversity of behavior arises from diversity of moral precepts.

It's an unfortunate fact that in the present day, moral diversity is strongly correlated with racial, ethnic, and religious diversity. That wasn't always the case; consider the Orangeburg of my youth. We can all wish it were otherwise, but that's not a license to deny the facts as they stand.

Many, many changes in public policy and Americans' inculcated attitudes have contributed to the emergence of the objectively destructive diversities we suffer today. Whether they can be reversed in any measurable time frame is unclear, especially given that there are persons who've made careers out of inflaming inter-racial, inter-ethnic, and inter-religious animosity.

A community cannot function acceptably without a common core of principles to which all its members are bound by law and custom. Neither can a nation. The differences among men must not be permitted to extend into that core.

So what's with all this guff about the value of "diversity," anyway?

Wednesday, September 4, 2013

Warfare Through a False Flag Frameup

Let us try, through the use of logic, to follow the rationale for going to war with Syria. Never mind that our "fearless leaders" refer to the action as one of limited scope with no so-called "boots on the ground". If ANY nation committed such acts against the US they would be categorized as aggressors pure and simple.

In any event, it is alleged that the Assad government which is engaged in a civil war has used chemical weapons on the "innocent" citizenry of that hapless nation. Never mind that the US intelligence "community" caught in perjury has classified the "evidence" it has allegedly obtained of such outrage as "secret" and will only reveal it to lying political hacks members of Congress who are in turn expected to convince the US citizenry of the need to wage  a war which will result in the further slaughter of those "innocent" citizens. Never mind the credible evidence that the "rebels" themselves are the likely perpetrators of the chemical weapons outrage.

Jon Rappoport lays out the top nine real reasons for going to war with the Assad regime in Syria:

One: Give the appearance of unifying the country behind the President, who “did his job the right way,” by going to Congress for approval. This elevates Obama’s ratings and, by inference, suggests that his other programs should be accorded more merit. A wartime president always gains more support.
Two: Give the people an adrenaline rush. The effect should never be underestimated. Cleanses the pores, cleans the slate, and relieves frustration by proxy, temporarily…if you have very little access to your cerebral functions.
Three: In this case, winning Congressional approval reinstates the illusion, for a few moments, that we are a Constitutional Republic, with a government dedicated to justice.
Four: Help fulfill the long-planned US-Israeli agenda of destabilizing Syria and causing it to partition into warring and chaotic ethnic factions.
Five: Stop the construction of a natural gas pipeline across Syria, which would boost Iran’s economy by sending Iranian gas to Europe. Iran’s economy must be torpedoed.
Six: Send a message throughout the Middle East that the US is all-powerful and the dollar must remain the reserve currency in all oil transactions.
Seven: Feed the US military-industrial complex, which demands wars.
Eight: Aid the long-term goal of Globalism/Free Trade, which involves putting the entire Middle East into unresolvable debt and suffering…and then coming in with outside elite bankster financing, to rebuild the entire region and own it, lock, stock, and barrel.
Nine: Distract Americans from a number of scandals, including: Benghazi, Fast&Furious, IRS non-profit division crimes, NSA spying, the continuing failed war in Afghanistan, and a tanking domestic economy with more and more people living below the poverty line.
None of these reasons has anything to do with “punishing Assad for using chemical weapons.” In any case, that whole scenario has been thrown into extreme doubt.

Your government at work.

ΜΟΛΩΝ ΛΑΒΕ!!
Cross posted at: Fighting in the Shade™

Three And A Quick Toddle

This is likely to be a day from my personal vision of Hell, so please excuse the following brevities.


1. How serious is the Syrian matter, really?

Possibly not too serious, if one of the Senate's more notable "hawks" can treat it this way:

Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., was caught red-handed by a reporter playing a game on his iPhone as his Senate colleagues and top Obama administration officials discussed a strike on Syria at a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing Tuesday.

The Republican senator, who met with the White House Monday to discuss the conflict, admitted he was playing the poker game during the hearing after the Washington Post posted a photo of him doing so.

“Scandal!” McCain tweeted from his personal account. “Caught playing iPhone game at 3+ hour Senate hearing - worst of all I lost!”

McCain and fellow GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., announced conditional support for Obama’s plan on a strike on Syria at a Monday press conference, but said any U.S. military strike would need to have the goal of degrading the Assad regime.

Making light of being caught at such a thing doesn't excuse the offense to the seriousness of the subject under discussion...if, indeed, the subject itself is a serious one. But then, John McCain's ability to take anything seriously has been open to question since he first decided to pursue the presidency on the strength of two admittedly unique credentials:

  • Having been shot out of the sky by North Vietnamese anti-aircraft fire;
  • Spending several years in a North Vietnamese prison.

Gee, what an opportunity the American people missed, eh?


2. Obeying the law is no excuse.

"Excuse me?" I hear you say. "Did you bungle that quote, Fran?"

Not a chance, bro:

SAN ANTONIO -- An "open carry" demonstration outside of a local Starbucks was broken up by police after passersby complained about the three men and their rifles.

The demonstrators, who posted a video of the entire encounter to YouTube, claim they were within their legal rights.

According to Texas law, this type of conduct isn't illegal as long as the weapon is not loaded.

However, San Antonio police Chief William McManus explained that the gun holder can still be charged with disorderly conduct if anyone, at any point, feels threatened.

"It's a disorderly offense that officers will address accordingly," McManus said.

[Citation courtesy of Sara Noble.]

Penal law was once based on a simple rule: Does the cited action cause harm, or a likelihood of harm, to unconsenting others? The modern tendency is to replace the word harm with offense.

That this should have happened in Texas, of all places, makes it plain how thoroughly the police have been mobilized against the citizenry and the rights of the private citizen...and how critically important it is to halt this progression and reverse it before it can go further.


3. Well, we dodged one bullet, at least.

John Kerry came within about three million votes -- actually, more like 150,000 votes, as all he needed was to take Ohio -- of becoming president of these United States. We can be thankful that:

  • He failed at that attempt;
  • He's no longer a United States Senator;
  • We have Rand Paul, one of the best men currently in public office, to show him for what he is.

Yes, yes, we have to endure his depressing puss and lugubrious ramblings as Obama's Secretary of State, but once you've installed Obama in the Oval Office, that's on the order of a mosquito bite to a machine-gunning victim. Besides, with a little luck we can arrange to have Kerry's "diplomatic" duties keep him out of the country most of the time, right? Right?

And that's all for today, Gentle Reader.

Tuesday, September 3, 2013

Runaway train and no Denzel.

It's the indiscriminate killing that bothers me. Any country that does that is no better than the scumbags who leave car bombs in shopping districts in order to blow up innocents. We object to the senseless killing of Syrians so we should do some too?

I think only a tiny number of Americans have actually thoughtfully considered the chain of events unleashed when engaging in a tactical attack on civilian infrastructure in foreign countries . . . .[1]

To put this in perspective, consider this great pretend Obama quote devised by The New Yorker's Andy Borowitz:
Let me be clear. Our goal will not be to effect régime change, or alter the balance of power in Syria, or bring the civil war there to an end. We will simply do something random there for one or two days and then leave.
H/t: James Taranto.

The responsibility to protect "doctrine" of very, very recent vintage, let it be said, did not extend to our own people in Benghazi but it now applies to strangers caught up, innocently or otherwise, in a civil war between parties who despise us with equal passion. Apparently, the United States haven't learned their lesson about involving themselves in the Muslim world whose politics and religious savagery defy comprehension. Even when the national budget is succinctly defined by the word "hemorrhage," the insane desire for mindless foreign military involvement is as ever-present in the White House as Reggie Love.

The supposed responsibility to protect raises the question, "Protect against whom?" "President Assad!" is the immediate Obama/Kerry answer with the U.S. intelligence community said to be four-square behind them. However, apart from the fact that

  • chemical weapons are indiscriminate weapons that depend on favorable (and accurately perceived) meteorological conditions,
  • there was no tactical or strategic advantage to Assad to have used them given that he appears far from defeated, and
  • it's probably unwise, on balance, to taunt even an unstable, inexperienced American president (even if protected by a lap-dog national press establishment),
there are reports that the chemical agents were supplied by the the Saudi intelligence chief and/or some "Saudi militant" and mishandled by the "rebels" and that it was the "rebels" who initially denied United Nations inspectors access to the supposed attack site (H/t: New Zeal Blog) not Assad.

The ability of the Dems to lead the American media (and the Republicans) by the nose from the swings to the tricky bars to the slides to the sandbox is formidable. Excellence is alive and well in the hollowed out America of Holder (my people; territory = nationhood), Jones (I'm a commie), Jarrett (we love Van), Glover (Chavez and Castro suck up), Bloomberg (eat your veggies), Goldberg (whoopee cushion; DDR suck up), Sharpton (depart white interlopers), the New York Times (Duranty who?), Cone (black liberation theology; kill whitey), Winfrey (sweet, sweet grievance, I thee embrace), Biden (Peter Principle), Roberts (it's a righteous tax), Zinn (garbage America), Reid (send more Mexicans), Maher (The Finger), and The Man with No Past.

Notes
[1] "No Mercy." By HMS Defiant, 8/30/13.

Orwell Was Right Dept.

Probably no short discourse upon political rhetoric and the political lexicon can match George Orwell's paper "Politics And The English Language." Those of us who've followed developments on the politico-linguistic battlefield over the century past can hardly dispute Orwell's critical assertion:

[O]ne ought to recognize that the present political chaos is connected with the decay of language, and that one can probably bring about some improvement by starting at the verbal end.

But of course, political chaos through linguistic degeneration must necessarily start with the perversion of individual words.


What are the central contentions of those who are beating the war drums for a strike on the Assad regime over Syria?

  • "The use of poison gas is a violation of human rights."
  • "The use of poison gas is forbidden by international law."

The incredible abuse that's been heaped on the essential political term rights has been a thorn in my flesh for many years. The above isn't particularly egregious -- indeed, in one sense it doesn't abuse the word rights itself -- but it serves to illustrate the sort of mischief activists can commit with words.

Follow along with me, please:

  1. A man's rights pertain to his life, his liberty, and his justly acquired property.
  2. Syria is in a state of civil war.
  3. In a war, people get killed.
  4. In a civil war, some of those killed are civilians, whether nominal or actual.
  5. Ergo, if a violation of someone's rights is being committed, it would be that persons who are actual civilians -- i.e., noncombatants trying to remain uninvolved in the violence -- are being targeted and killed by one side or the other.

What does the weapon used to take those noncombatants' lives have to do with the violation -- if any -- of their rights? Would they be any less dead had they been mowed down by machine guns?

While it's true that lethal gases haven't been used in recognized wars since World War I, it's also true that Saddam Hussein used them against Iraqi Kurds. Yet many of those clamoring for a strike on the Assad regime were equally violent in protest of Bush the Younger's war against the Hussein regime.

What's wrong with this picture?


Now let's deal with the second of the battle cries:

"The use of poison gas is forbidden by international law."

Is it? What mechanism enacted that "law?" In what contexts are such gases forbidden? And what is the enforcement mechanism?

The "law" against the use of poison gas is an adjunct to the Geneva Convention called the Geneva Protocol. It was agreed to by a great many nations. Syria agreed to it in 1968, but "with reservations," which largely vitiates the "agreement."

Additionally, note the use of the critical qualifier international. The Geneva Convention was never intended to apply to intranational conflicts: civil wars or the suppression of insurrections. What's going on in Syria is a civil war. "International law," such as the Geneva Convention, simply doesn't apply.

Alongside that, the enforcement of any sort of law involves force -- violence. The enforcement mechanism for "international law" is international violence: warfare. He who contends that "something must be done" about "a violation of international law" is demanding war, whether he realizes it or not. But he who prattles about "international law" must deal with other constraints on national action, as well, including the "jurisdiction" of the International Criminal Court and the overriding "authority" of the United Nations Security Council.

Somehow, I don't think those screeching for "A" would be all that willing to say "B."


I know, I know: this dissection of words and phrases can be rather tiresome. But until we learn to do so routinely, and with maximum precision, our means of effective intercourse with those who disagree will be limited to violence. As most of us prefer to avoid that measure, learning to speak and hear accurately and critically will be required of us.

Those skills would serve us in coping with our domestic politics as well, especially the maddening perversion of Constitutional language and the mind-numbing bloviations of our domestic political class. Wouldn't you say so, Gentle Reader? Or has the congeries of obfuscations and anfractuosities already rendered you deaf to the vermiculous involutions of those retromingent onagers and their rebarbative representations?

Feel free to take your time over it.

Monday, September 2, 2013

Sorry

Nothing from me today, Gentle Reader. By decree of She Who Must Be Obeyed, I must spend my Labor Day...laboring.

You, on the other hand, have civic responsibilities to attend to. So get out there and barbecue, for God’s sake! Don’t you know there’s a war on?

Sunday, September 1, 2013

Words Fail Me Dept. (UPDATED)

It's not something humorous this time.

There are matters, especially political matters, about which I hate to be proved right:

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE UPDATE: Obama To Strike Syria; Seeks Congressional Approval. “Obama says he has the authority to act on his own, but believes it is important for the country to have a debate.” Hmm. That’s what Cameron thought.

When I first saw this, I blanched. The prospects for a Constitutional crisis were right there, in giant flaming letters with ruffles and flourishes, and I said so:

That is extremely ominous. It suggests -- rather strongly -- that Obama won't abide by an adverse Congressional verdict. That would be consistent with his arrogance and unwillingness to be balked. If that should come to pass, we'll see the end of the Republic enacted right before our eyes.

And what does the overnight news feed bring us?

In his Rose Garden remarks today on Syria, President Obama said that he will seek a vote of authorization from the Congress when it returns from recess (which is on Sept. 9).

He also said [he] has authority to bomb Syria without Congress' authorization. Here is the entire statement:

Donald Sensing continues:

In his statement, the president also said this: "Yet while I believe I have the authority to carry out this military action without specific Congressional authorization, I know that the country will be stronger if we take this course and our actions will be even more effective."

Let's parse that.

1. He means that he thinks he has authority as president to bomb Syria without going to Congress at all.

Well, in that case he may be right, in the sense that any president has the power to do what Congress doesn't oppose. Obama illegally sent US bombers against Libya in 2011 without Congressional authority; by any stretch, the president was both declaring and making war, the former power reserved to the Congress alone.

But history, and not just of this administration, shows that Congress will usually be pretty passive about that kind of thing. The White House does not have that power so much by delegation as by concession.

However, there is another twist to what Obama might have meant that would require him to believe this, which is,

2. He means that even if Congress votes against authorizing the Syria war, he can still order the strikes because he didn't have to ask Congress in the first place.

If Congress votes to withhold authority for the strikes and Obama orders them anyway, then beyond question we will have reached one of the most serious Constitutional crises of our history. Unless unmistakably halted by Congress, we will have surrendered the last vestige of representative, Constitutional government. It is not obvious, however, that this what the president meant. Let us hope not.

Hope, in the age of the Usurper, has become a feeble reed.

The Regime has systematically replaced our top commanders with political puppets: uniformed politicians loyal to Obama rather than to the Constitution or their military oaths. There is little reason to think they'll refuse Obama's unConstitutional order to act. What that would mean for the United States is devastating.

The great fear, of which few of us have dared to speak, is that the sequel will see our armed forces used domestically, in violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, to suppress "insurrection," meaning any unacceptably vocal condemnation of the Regime or dissent from its policies.

America had a chance to remove the Usurper from the White House.
We let it slip away unused.
The bill has come due.

Pray.

UPDATE: Apparently, my fears are not mine alone:

The Obama administration begins taking its case for a strike against Syria to the American people Sunday morning, with Secretary of State John Kerry making rounds on morning television news shows.

It comes as Obama apparently is leaving the door open to moving ahead with a military strike on Syria even if Congress votes against it, adding to the confusion over the president’s evolving position.

The president, in a surprise decision Saturday, announced he would seek a vote in Congress on launching a military attack against the Assad regime.

One senior State Department official, though, told Fox News that the president’s goal to take military action will indeed be carried out, regardless of whether Congress votes to approve the use of force.

Other senior administration officials said Obama is merely leaving the door open to that possibility. They say he would prefer that Congress approve a military attack on the Assad regime, in response to its alleged use of chemical weapons, and will wait to see what Congress does before making any final decisions on authorizing military force.

Yet the possibility that Obama would move ahead without the support of Congress is sure to stir confusion among lawmakers, who had – for the most part – applauded his decision to seek their input first, though others claimed he was “abdicating his responsibility” by punting to Congress. It would raise questions about why he decided to seek congressional input at all, after having moved military assets into position immediately, and then waited days and possibly weeks for a debate in Washington.

Some have opined that Obama is merely looking for a way to shift the odium of a strike to Congress's shoulders should it approve, and to claim helplessness in the matter should it disapprove. That would have been preferable, certainly. As matters stand, we're looking at exactly what I dread most: a president who explicitly rejects the Constitutional separation of powers in favor of absolute, unchecked authority on his own part.

Yes, it would be an impeachment offense. But would the Democrats in the Senate see it as a conviction and removal from office offense? If so, would they finally rise to uphold their oaths of office to the Constitution, or would they behave as the hyperpartisan scoundrels we've come to know and despise?

Your guess is as good as mine, Gentle Reader. But the record of the Democrat caucus in the Senate is not encouraging.

Saturday, August 31, 2013

Complete Idiot's Guide to Understanding the Middle East

Late breaking news informs us that our esteemed Leader will "consult" with Congress when it reconvenes after the holiday weekend on how to proceed against Syria over that nation's alleged use of chemical weapons within its own borders.

"The chart is a spin-off of the most amazing letter to the editor ever written, which appeared in Thursday's Financial Times. It also explained the entire Middle East, in a few short sentences. Here they are:

Sir, Iran is backing Assad. Gulf states are against Assad!

Assad is against Muslim Brotherhood. Muslim Brotherhood and Obama are against General Sisi.

But Gulf states are pro-Sisi! Which means they are against Muslim Brotherhood!

Iran is pro-Hamas, but Hamas is backing Muslim Brotherhood!

Obama is backing Muslim Brotherhood, yet Hamas is against the U.S.!

Gulf states are pro-U.S. But Turkey is with Gulf states against Assad; yet Turkey is pro-Muslim Brotherhood against General Sisi. And General Sisi is being backed by the Gulf states!

Welcome to the Middle East and have a nice day.

KN Al-Sabah,
London EC4, U.K."
click on chart to enlarge

Miscellany And Errata

Because sometimes, you just gotta say, "What the fuck," right? Right?


First, and irrelevant to most Gentle Readers, so please excuse the deferral of today's parade of trivia:

WIFWA is now open for business.

I must express my great gratitude and tremendous appreciation for the efforts of WIFWA's Webmaster, Steve Sumner -- Don't laugh; he's a real person, not the fictional politician from Shadow Of A Sword, and yes, the coincidence is almost too great to be true, but really! -- who took it upon himself to create and configure the WIFWA site, entirely as a labor of love.

Indie fiction writers, your hour is upon you. It's time to put your best foot forward -- and WIFWA is here to tell the world that you're good enough. Don't waste this opportunity!


"Blurred Lines?" "Rainbow parties?" "Hannah Montana" twerking?

Dear God in heaven. I must be getting really old.


Syria? The news is entirely about Syria? All the talking heads are obsessing about whether or not it would be wise to strike Syria? We must bomb Syria because Syria is bombing Syria??

Yo, assholes. Allow me to clue all of you in: It wouldn't be wise. It would be moronic. It would be counterproductive to the interests of the United States of America.

That doesn't mean Barack Obama will restrain himself, of course.

Some commentators have advanced the thesis that our Maximum Leader is "unserious," and have offered Obama's vacillations over the Syrian civil war as evidence to that effect. I must disagree, at least in part. Obama is perfectly serious -- about Obama. He's sensed that his waffling on this subject has made plain his lack of leadership qualities, most important among them the resolve to follow through on a commitment. The chiefs of state who've declined to help him are snickering at him in private, and he knows it. If there's anything that stirs him to fury, it's being mocked -- or, as his Chicago homies would put it, "dissed."

Granted, most of us wouldn't launch the B-52s over such a slight. But most of us aren't figments of the imagination of a political machine, raised to the heights of power with no preparation in serious statecraft. Most of us aren't painfully aware of our complete personal hollowness and acutely sensitive to any infringement upon our unearned self-esteem. Most of us, in other words, aren't Barack Hussein Obama.


In connection with the above, there's a lot of talk about whether Obama can strike Syria -- i.e., take the United States to war -- exclusively on his own authority.

No, he can't. The Constitution does not give the president the power to take the country to war. As Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, the president can deploy them to defend the United States or its extraterritorial possessions against ongoing or imminent attack -- and that's all. For a hostile act against a nation which has neither struck nor threatened the U.S., he requires Congressional authorization. This is in the Constitution by implication, and made explicit by the War Powers Resolution of 1973.

Two wars -- Korea and Vietnam -- made plain the importance of that constraint. Harry S. Truman took the U.S. to war on the Korean peninsula without Congressional authorization. Lyndon B. Johnson deceived Congress into allowing him to escalate America's participation in the Vietnam War, on the strength of the fraudulently obtained Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. America continues to suffer the consequences of those actions to this day.

Yes, the Constitution's reservation of the warmaking power to Congress has been violated several times. Yes, some of the presidents who've done so are well liked by the historians and generally approved by the American people. The consequences of such a violation of the Supreme Law of the Land don't care about anyone's opinion:

    “Why are you so...fixated on the Constitution, Mr. Sumner? Isn’t it a little bit naive to think a document two centuries old contains all the answers to the problems of a complex modern society?”
    “Have you read it, Miss Weatherly?” Sumner’s voice remained mild.
    “Not lately, no.”
    “Then you might have forgotten that it’s the supreme law of the land. All other law and all government action must conform to it. If it needs to be revised or expanded, it contains provisions for that.”
    “A lot of people would say,” Weatherly cooed, “that we’ve done that, only informally.”     Sumner pursed his lips and glanced down at his shoes. For a moment, Weatherly thought she might finally have scored against his infuriating self-assurance.
    “Miss Weatherly,” he said with a note of regret, “I’m a lawyer. I was raised by a lawyer. He taught me to think of the law as our most precious possession. One of the questions he repeatedly insisted that I ponder was ‘What is the law?’ Not ‘What would I like the law to be,’ but ‘What is it really, and how do I know that’s what it is?’
    “My profession, sadly, has made a practice of twisting the law to its own ends. There aren’t many lawyers left who really care what the law is, as long as they can get the results they want, when they want them. So they play the angles, and collaborate with judges who think they’re black-robed gods, and generally do whatever they can get away with to get what they want, without a moment’s regard for what it does to the knowability of the law.
    “I care. I want to know what the law is, what it permits, requires, and forbids. I want my clients to know. And the only way to reach that result is to insist that the words of the law have exact meanings, not arbitrary, impermanent interpretations that can be changed by some supercilious cretin who thinks he can prescribe and proscribe for the rest of us.
    “The Constitution is the supreme law, the foundation for all other law. If it doesn’t mean exactly what its text says—the public meanings of the words as ordinary people understand them—then no one can possibly know what it means. But if no one can know what the Constitution means, then no one can know whether any other law conforms to it. At that point, all that matters is the will of whoever’s in power. And that’s an exact definition of tyranny."

[From Shadow Of A Sword]

Either that matters to you or it doesn't. If the latter, move very slowly around me and keep your hands where I can see them.


But soft! What real crisis through yonder window peeks?

Hilarity ensued Monday after @Andria_XX complained that social-media criticism of Miley Cyrus included “bodyshaming/slutshaming” and “heteropatriarchal crap.” Readers will recall that Andria has an “Honors BA in Social Justice and Peace Studies” and is pursuing a Master’s degree in Gender Studies. So . . . how’s that going?

For the answer, read Tweet #1 and Tweet #2.

As we Certified Galactic Intellects have been known to say, ignorance can be cured, but stupid is forever -- and no creature that fits into any recognized taxonomic category is as deeply or as irretrievably stupid as a female American "peace studies / social justice" major in her twenties. Still, perhaps all is not lost for this poor soul. There's probably a federal program to provide minders for such persons, lest they foul up traffic by standing naked in the middle of Grand Concourse to protest the insidious wiles of the Evil Dead White European Male Capitalist Heteronormative Patriarchy and get hit by a bus. Also, I understand the "sex worker" industry is still hiring, but perhaps Our Heroine should hold that possibility in reserve.


I'm afraid that will be all for today, Gentle Reader. This fine Saturday has presented me with an agenda that would make a lifelong teetotaler take up blackout drinking. But do please enjoy your Labor Day weekend. Word on the street is that it's about to be bumped off the calendar by an Islamic holiday. And with that, it's off to the toolshed.

Friday, August 30, 2013

Are They Syrious Part 2: The Crucial Variance

Quite a few correspondents have brayed nonsense at me for the previous essay. That's normal here at Liberty's Torch; certain...persons have made it their avocation, at the very least, to heap abuse on our commentators, myself especially, in the hope of silencing us. No, it doesn't work. But such individuals are hardly the quickest learners of our species.

Today's exercise in seeing the obvious -- remember what that word really means? -- concerns the observable divergence between the attitudes of sitting executives and legislators and those of private citizens when there arises a temptation to take the nation to war. It's a gap whose explanation has become imperative.


"Nations will go to war whenever there is a prospect of getting anything by it." -- John Jay

War, like other human activities, is conducted for a purpose. The purpose of a war -- any war -- is to impose the dictates of the government of one nation upon the government and people of another nation. The identities of the governments involved are utterly irrelevant.

Private citizens tend to grasp this at once, even if it must be articulated to them and for them. Politicians, supposedly more knowledgeable and insightful about the decisions of governments than are we groundlings, tend to bridle at the suggestion. They'll "yes, but" it to death: qualify it, talk around it, and in some cases dismiss it entirely. The reason was encapsulated perfectly by early 20th Century peace activist Randolph Bourne:

"War is the health of the state."

A war -- any war -- magnifies:

  • The importance of political maneuverings;
  • The government's control over economic intercourse, both domestic and international;
  • The subordination of private decisions to the decisions of the government.

Thus, whatever "objective" or "humanitarian" reasons a politician might advance for entering some war, he has at least three more than those of which he's willing to speak.

Let that sink in for a moment while I put up another pot of coffee.


"He Kept Us Out Of War" -- Woodrow Wilson's 1916 re-election campaign slogan.
"Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars." -- Franklin D. Roosevelt.

The "prospect of getting anything by it" of which John Jay spoke was externally focused. But then, Jay was a politician, one of the three principal authors of the pro-strong-centralized-government Federalist Papers. He went on from the Founding to pursue (unsuccessfully) the governorship of New York, and eventually became the first Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. He was unlikely to state explicitly what every politician and aspirant to high office has known since the birth of the nation-state.

Many a nation has heard its rulers pound the war drums for reasons of the rulers' own. Indeed, in modern history, the overwhelmingly most frequent and most imperative reason for warfare has been to distract the subjects of a nation from their domestic troubles. That the distraction will be accompanied by the expansion of state power and control is not lost on those who promote war so avidly. With the sole exception of Operation Just Cause, initiated by Bush the Elder to remove Manuel Noriega from power over the republic of Panama, America's 20th Century insertions into wars occurred under America's most statist presidents:

  • Woodrow Wilson (World War I)
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt (World War II)
  • Harry Truman (Korean War)
  • John F. Kennedy (early involvement in Vietnam)
  • Lyndon Johnson (continuing and greatly intensifying involvement in Vietnam)

Those wars were all but uniform in promoting the expansion of the federal government. Indeed, the sole exception, as stunning as it might seem, was the Vietnam War. That war is distinguished by having been ended inconclusively, by armistice, during the Administration of Richard M. Nixon. Nixon was the president who withdrew 90% of America's military manpower from Vietnam, forced the North Vietnamese to the conference table with Operation Rolling Thunder, and put a de facto end to military conscription, the favorite policy of Democrats from Woodrow Wilson onward.

It's difficult to argue that America was serving any American interest with its insertion into World War I, Korea, Vietnam, or Panama. World War II is distinguished from the others by virtue of the Pearl Harbor attack and Hitler's declaration of war on the U.S. in solidarity with his Japanese ally. However, FDR agitated for American involvement in World War II in many ways, seeing it as an avenue to the alleviation of America's domestic economic troubles. There are indications that, had America not experienced Pearl Harbor, he would have contrived to get us involved in the conflict in some other way.

All those wars brought about an increase in the size, power, and intrusiveness of the federal government. Would any Gentle Reader care to argue that that our political class found that outcome uncongenial?


Whoever thinks over earnestly and objectively this question of a general disarmament, and considers it in its remotest contingencies, must come to the conviction that it is a question which cannot be solved so long as men are men, and States are States. -- Theobold von Bethmann-Hollweg

It is customary in democratic countries to deplore expenditures on armaments as conflicting with the requirements of the social services. There is a tendency to forget that the most important social service that a government can do for its people is to keep them alive and free. -- Sir John Slessor

Americans take a just pride in our nation's magnificent military, and in its record of achievement in the conflicts it has faced. Yet we complain bitterly about the loss of individual freedom we've suffered this century past. The connection is there to see for anyone who cares to look. Robert Higgs's fine book Crisis and Leviathan provides a comprehensive tour of the process by which our wars have progressively shackled us ever more straitly.

This is not an argument against ever going to war. War is sometimes forced upon a nation; when that occurs, it must respond with force and resolve. Similarly, there are American interests, such as the freedom of the seas and the inviolability of Americans' extraterritorial possessions, that can sometimes be protected only by warfare. Finally, we do have defensive alliances with other nations; an attack upon one of those nations compels us to enter the fray both morally -- we did promise -- and practically -- if we default on our given word, we would forfeit all international credibility.

But with any decision to go or not to go to war, we must learn to ask, openly and stridently, Who would benefit? We must return to putting American interests -- military, economic, Constitutional, and international -- ahead of all others. And we must be unsparing in cross-examining our political masters, whose motives for their decisions are never made entirely plain...on the subject of warfare as on every other.

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Are They Syrious?

Q: How can you tell when a politician is lying?
A: His lips are moving.

Suddenly there's a "coalition of the willing" congealing around the insane notion of "punishing" Syria's Assad regime for its use of chemical weapons against Syrian civilians. At least one of the countries that was vociferously opposed to Operation Iraqi Freedom, which targeted a regime that used both chemical weapons and environmental warfare against its own, has demanded that the U.S. strike the Assad regime.

"Let's you and him fight," anyone?

No question we could put a big hurtin' on the Assad regime. And despite the objections of some, there's plenty of reason to believe that the regime did use poison gas on at least one rebel-held district. But I have this teeny little question no one seems ready to answer:

What's in it for the United States?


Not long ago, I wrote that:

Borders matter because people matter. Borders are important because there must be a limit on every man's responsibilities for others, and on every nation's, too. Every political system binds its citizens in a web of mutual responsibility. Not for everything, but for the really big things commonly delegated to government: the defense of the realm, the maintenance of order in the streets, a common, generally comprehended legal system, and above all the protection of individuals' rights to life, liberty, and honestly acquired property. Israel granted the Palestinians autonomy within their zones, or, as Eric Frank Russell once put it, "the right to go to Hell in their own fashion." Now that they've chosen their course, they should be allowed to follow it to its conclusion, out of respect not only for their right to do so, but the right of Israelis not to be involved in it. Likewise, America did not agree to shelter or employ the whole world. If our borders were better secured, not only would our streets be safer, but Mexicans' interest in reforming their own polity would be greatly increased.

The quoted post was a refutation of the supranationalist argument that America has "responsibilities" to all the peoples of the world, which had most recently been advanced in support of the insane notion that the citizens of other countries should have a say in our elections. But the Border Principle also applies to the use of military force.

A national military is not a charitable organization. No, not even ours. Nations raise and support armies for the protection and advancement of their own people, territory, and interests. He who is taxed -- i.e., compelled under the threat of punishment -- to pay for the maintenance of a military establishment, which establishment is then used to do "good works" for the peoples -- or the governments -- of other nations is being robbed, by exactly the same reasoning as applies to involuntary taxation for the support of a welfare state.

Yet for sixty-eight years, the United States' military, which has been pressed into service as a "world policeman," has hardly been used for anything else. What's wrong with this picture?


If there's nothing for the U.S. in striking the Assad regime, then why is Washington oozing toward it as we watch?

At one level, it's about Barack Hussein Obama's vanishing credibility. No one, even among his most ardent backers, believes anything he says anymore; certainly no one in a position of power in the government of some other nation. This is as it should be; no other American politician of comparable stature has amassed anything like Obama's record of distortions, prevarications, and outright lies. But you can bet your bottom dollar that it rankles him, especially in the wake of his most recent foreign-policy missteps. So he's ready to "flex his muscles," to show the world that he means what he says...even though, most of the time, he doesn't.

At another level, it's a gesture of defiance aimed at Congress, both houses of which have become ever more reluctant to follow Obama's lead. A chief executive determined to "show 'em who's boss" is more likely to exercise his military than anything else at his disposal -- and flouting his contempt for Congress by blatantly ignoring the statutory limits on his use of America's armed forces is a particularly contemptuous way for Obama to flap his genitals at Capitol Hill. Obama's record of opposition to Operation Iraqi Freedom, which had overwhelming Congressional support, makes the gesture even more striking.

Finally, there's Obama's waning popularity with the electorate. He knows his image has been badly tarnished. He's desperate to restore some luster to his "legacy." Drawing the sword against the Assad regime, given the general and justified horror of decent persons at the use of poison gas as a weapon, probably seems to him to offer the best prospect for the improvement of his popular standing.

Inasmuch as no one seems to be able to rein Obama in -- I've lost count of his violations of the Constitution -- he'll proceed with this adventure, even though, as a number of other commentators have already observed, striking the Assad regime as "punishment" rather than to achieve some definite objective is the worst thing he could do.


Yet another war is imminent. It's impossible to put a bound on the repercussions at this time. They might involve Israel, as both Iran and Syria have threatened to take vengeance on Israel should the U.S. strike Syria. Only this is certain: more American treasure will be expended, and more blood will be spilled.

Regardless of what any Washington Insider might say -- see the gag at the top of this essay -- it won't be "surgical." It won't be just Tomahawk cruise missiles launched from airborne and seaborne platforms that are completely out of harm's way. Our uniformed men will be put in mortal danger once again...and once again, for no good reason. American casualties are possible, perhaps likely. And once again, we will ask ourselves "Why?"

You've just read a thousand words of "why," Gentle Reader. What do you propose to do about it?

Tuesday, August 27, 2013

Once In A Great While...

...the enemy will let the mask slip and call something by its right name: in this case, himself:

Washington insiders Doug Schoen, John LeBoutillier, and Pat Caddell, talk inside baseball every Sunday on Fox News’ “Political Insiders” with Gregg Jarrett

This week, the Insiders tackled the Ted Cruz/Mike Lee plan to defund Obamacare. All three of the insiders agreed that if the Republican party adopts Ted Cruz’s plan, they will have gone from the “Stupid Party” to the “Suicide Party”....

The Insiders also took an incredibly dim view of impeachment, Pat Caddell calling it not only self destructive, but “mental self abuse by people on the right….”

Moving on to Syria…. Hey, did you know that the gas attack in Syria happened on the one year anniversary of Obama’s “Red Line” ultimatum, “which he then didn’t enforce”.

By the standards of realpolitik, the “Insiders” went zero-for-three in the above. But there’s something else to consider: the name of the show itself.

What do I mean by that? Why, the same thing as this gentleman meant:

Robert Welch understood Public Choice-style decision making long before James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock won the Nobel Prize in Economics for it.

Yes, there are “Insiders,” determined to protect their privileges and perquisites from those of us desperate for a return to Constitutional government. Some of those “Insiders” are very, very rich; others are hirelings with far smaller rice bowls to protect. It doesn’t matter. The dynamic operates on great and small alike. He who has a personal stake in protecting The Regime will do so, barring the possession of an unusually (for today) acute and unrelenting conscience – and how many persons manage to get “Inside” in possession of one of those?

These days, the John Birch Society, which stands foursquare for Constitutional government and Judeo-Christian values in public life, is among the most slandered organizations in America. That’s one of the principal reasons I joined: I considered the source.

Have you considered the source, Gentle Reader?

Monday, August 26, 2013

Enemies: A Call To The Colors

Just yesterday, in response to this article at Breitbart’s Big Government, I commented:

Remember, conservatives, that Dean is the enemy. Do not take counsel of the enemy!

To which some anonymous leftist – aren’t they always? – replied thus:

The ENEMY ? ... That is ridiculous.... No matter how much you may disagree with DEMS politically... WE ARE STILL YOUR FELLOW AMERICANS......... This existential threat you people have conjured in your heads is Destroying this country ....and is destroying the Republican Party to boot... Considering DEMS as your mortal enemy is absurd...........

And I, in the special clarity I seem to be able to achieve at 4 AM, replied thus:

I hate the Republicans and everything they stand for.” – Howard Dean.
You are the enemy.
You are not benevolent.
Your first goal is to disarm us.
Your second goal is to eliminate privacy.
Your third goal is to criminalize our opinions.
You want power for yourselves, and nothing else.
You believe yourselves entitled to rule us absolutely.
You routinely wish for the deaths of conservative figures.
You would have us forcibly “re-educated,” if you could pull it off.
You are trying to destroy all remaining restraints on the federal government.
You’re doing everything you can to criminalize disagreement with your agenda.
You accuse your political opponents of every foul crime and motivation in the book.
And you do it with a contemptuous smirk that says “You can’t stop us no matter what you do.”

I tried to grant you the presumption of integrity.
I can’t. You’ve forfeited all claim to decency or benign purpose.
The only difference between you and the Communists of North Korea is your skin tone.
From here to the end of my life, I will do all in my power to have you seen for what you really are.
Not decent people with different opinions about what’s best, or what means are acceptable.
Not persons agonized over America’s residuum of violence, or poverty, or racism.
Not neighbors peacefully willing to agree to disagree with other Americans.
You are none of those things.
You are the enemy.
You are villains.
Traitors.

If you dislike that, take it up with your fellow “Democrats.”
I will have no more of you.

And I realized that I’d penned a call to battle.


The Left’s most insidious weapon against us is our unwillingness to see its motivations clearly and to recognize them for what they are. We want so desperately to believe that they’re fundamentally decent, persons with whom we can share this country once we’ve worked out certain differences about acceptable means, that we deliberately blind ourselves to the implications of the tactics they’ve chosen. That deprives us of the righteous anger of a just cause: the anger that makes it possible to do battle with a clear head and a joyous heart.

The Left doesn’t have that problem. They see us as the enemy, to be defeated and subjugated or destroyed. They always have and they always will. That licenses them to use all the foul tactics that characterize them. It might strike you as bizarre, but they have that sense of righteous anger – toward us.

We need to match them. Not in tactics, but in fury and resolve. We won’t succeed at that until we answer their righteous anger with our own: the anger of freedom lovers and patriots determined to defend the greatest country in history, “the last, best hope of Mankind.”

Yes, we have truth and justice on our side. But many a noble cause has gone down to defeat because it was ineptly defended...because its defenders were men of divided hearts.

We can’t afford that. America can’t afford that. The stakes are too high.

Know your enemy.
Show him no mercy, allow him no respite, and offer him no quarter.
There’s no more time for vacillation, and no room whatsoever for compromise.
Rally ‘round the colors, boys.
The hour has come.

Sunday, August 25, 2013

Irrationality unleashed.

Whatever happened at the end of the Cold War, it was not the defeat of socialism; for a new anti-capitalist formation predicated on environmentalism was already taking shape. Even as the hammer and sickle came down over the Kremlin, the spotted owl was becoming the battle cry of those who were seeking to smash capitalism and market freedom in the Great Northwest. . . .

It cannot be an accident that Earth Day was first celebrated on the 100th anniversary of Vladimir Lenin’s birth. . . .

In practical terms, socialism signifies government intervention in the economy [link omitted], and typically signifies financial decline. There are many technical reasons for the failures of socialism, and these are covered in Mises’s book, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis. Therein he wrote the following passage: “[That] since socialist society is not a [practical] possibility every step towards it must harm society.” Mises calls socialism a “destructionist policy” . . . . According to Mises, ". . . Socialism . . . works on the emotions, tries to violate logical considerations by rousing a sense of personal interest and to stifle the voice of reason by awakening primitive instincts.”

Those who seek liberation through the overthrow of capitalism are, in fact, revolting against freedom and prosperity. William Graham Sumner wisely noted, more than 100 years ago, “Modern civilization is built upon machines and natural agents, brought into play . . . through capital. Herein lies the true emancipation of men and the true abolition of slavery. . . .

Sanity and reason dictate that nearly everyone prefers the “comforts of high civilization” to barbarism. Therefore, only a madman would actively undermine the free market.[1]

Yet madmen rule the roost. As Mr. Nyquist says, "irrationality is becoming a power in and of itself."

This is surely the understatement of the decade. We spend ourselves into oblivion; import and subsidize foreigners by the millions; give away our precious citizenship like Mardi Gras titty beads; slobber over minorities; ignore massive black-on-white crime; weep when black rabble rousers cry out that "more must be done;" grovel before either the Chinese, Saudis or the Muslim Brotherhood; send our manufacturing capability to a communist dictatorship waging a currency war on us; wage war on coal and other fossil fuels; subsidize open-ended bastardy; implement a Dudley Do-Right foreign policy; and call Supreme Court subornation of the Constitution "constitutional law."

Our mystery-guest president announces and proceeds to effect the fundamental transformation of America and no one bats an eye. A screeching, rubber-burning, hi-rev, suspension-smashing exit from the interstate of centuries of custom and experience down the rock slide of socialist madness and cultural suicide? Why, what could be more reasonable?

Notes
[1] "When Rationality Breaks Down, So Does the Economy." By J.R. Nyquist, Financial Sense Online, 8/12/13.

It's On: What Now?

As I said in the previous piece, now that the long-feared race war is on, the imperative question is What now? However, the previous observation is so striking, and so paralyzing, that many Americans won't get around to asking themselves what they should do next.

Unfortunately, for perhaps two-thirds of us, the failure to address that question might cost us our lives.


Please take note: The following observations and recommendations are addressed to all races. Whites might be in the greatest degree of danger -- at least, there haven't yet been any reports of a pack of black youths attacking a black passerby -- but when savages are prowling freely, all non-savages are at risk in some degree.

Please take further note: Some recommendations will be harder to follow for certain categories of persons than for others. This is merely an observation of fact. However, as with all natural laws, this one is self-enforcing. Failure to be realistic about one's self-defense capabilities and to take appropriate remedial action will not be excused should the worst happen. There are no suspended sentences for the crime of wishful thinking.

Finally (and most seriously) for this series of caveats: Assume that no third parties will come between you and your assailants. There was a time when third parties were more likely to intervene in a street brawl or a mugging. Yet even in our best eras, it was less likely than not; the "mind your own business" street ethic Americans have always practiced is strong enough to inhibit even the capable from "taking sides" in a matter they know little to nothing about.

The situation is grave. The risks are high -- higher for some than for others. And you're on your own.


The war in progress isn't a "clean" war. It has no discernible "front." Neither do the combatants wear uniforms, though some identifying marks exist and should be taken seriously. Worst of all, there's no way to declare oneself a "neutral" or a "non-combatant."

Such a war demands the highest possible degree of situational awareness. He who ventures beyond a well-fortified "safe zone" must be continuously aware of everyone and everything around him. He must maintain a dynamic, continuously adjusted assessment of who and what might be a threat -- and he must be as ruthless about the assignment of "threat" status as any military analyst.

"Threat" refers to capabilities, not intentions.

Your personal circumstances -- where you live; what sort of people live around you; pertinent statistics about street crime in your locale; the times, durations, and other qualities of your mandatory exposures -- are the enveloping context, and must always be kept in mind. Specifics about this particular exposure must be folded into that context in real time.

Neither set of considerations should be allowed to "trump" the other. If you must travel through a high-crime area, do not assume that simply being surrounded by trusted friends renders you "safe." Similarly, traveling through a low-crime area doesn't guarantee that the neighborhood's lone street thug poses no threat to you. Stay awake and aware.

This is the paramount principle of personal protection.


This war recognizes no hard-and-fast alliances. Just as the combatants wear no uniforms and form no perceptible battle lines, you cannot assume that all whites are "on your side." There are white thugs just as there are black ones -- and the worst of them travel with black wolf packs, eager to show their solidarity with "the blood."

Tactical decisions about whom you can trust to "have your back" must be made in "real time." More, they must be based solely on what you know about the individuals in question, on their behavior when trouble looms, and on their responses should trouble start:

  • You cannot assume allegiances that arise solely from skin color;
  • You cannot assume affinities that arise solely from age or sex;
  • You cannot assume that even a trusted friend will come to your aid should violence erupt.

Sadly, there are a lot of pansies out there. Some of them are pretty big; size is no guarantee of readiness to defend life or limb. Also, many a PC type would excuse a black thug of your murder on the grounds of "white capitalist oppression"...as long as he got away cleanly, of course. You must know as much as you can about anyone you intend to trust with your well-being.


When traveling through an area in which you are an unknown, your first reaction to anyone who draws near enough to be a threat must be suspicion.

How near is "near enough to be a threat?" I suggest the following loose guideline:

  • 75 feet: Practical limit on accurate handgun fire for a non-specialist.
  • 20 feet: Practical limit of a "confinement ring" in which you can be trapped.
  • 5 feet: The zone of personal non-ballistic combat, in which kicks, punches, and muscle-powered weapons are most important.

No one's situational awareness is perfect. You can be pot-shotted from a tenement window. You can be trapped within a confinement ring despite your best efforts. A capable and determined assailant can get within bludgeoning distance of you if the surroundings are noisy and distracting, or if he's sufficiently sneaky. You cannot protect against these possibilities with absolute confidence; all you can do is make them less likely.

Suspicion is the key to reducing your risks. Do you know the person advancing on you? Is he within your age bracket? How is he dressed? Is he carrying something he could use as a weapon? What's his overall demeanor?

Most important of all: Is he a young black male in proximity to other young black males? That's the paramount threat category, and no PC bullshit can do anything about it.

Your aspirations for racial harmony mean nothing at this time. The stakes are your life. Make your decisions, both preparatory and instantaneous, accordingly.


Here we come to the grimmest observations of all:

    "What is combat, Christine?"
    "Huh?"
    "What is combat? How does it differ from other kinds of human interaction?"
    "Well, you're trying to hurt somebody."
    Louis cocked an eyebrow. "You're never trying to hurt somebody under other circumstances?"
    She thought it over. "Well, yeah."
    "So what's the difference?"
    "Well, you have to have an opponent."
    He waited in silence.
    "And he has to be trying to stop you."
    "From doing what?"
    "Whatever you're trying to do!" She was growing impatient.
    "And what are the rules?"
    "Um, do there have to be any?"
    He shook his head. "There have to be none."
    "What?"
    "You heard me. If it's combat, it has no rules, only objectives. That's really the defining characteristic."
    He went to a wooden rack across from his punching bag and lifted a large, gently curved sword from it. She had never seen him handle the thing before, and had wondered why he had it.
    "This is a medieval saber. A thousand years ago, it was one of the most potent weapons a man could carry. Moreover, possession was restricted by law. You had to be a member of the ruling class to own one legally."
    He swung the sword in a complex pattern that defeated her attempt to track it.
    "You can kill with one of these, if you have enough strength and skill. Of course, it's a little conspicuous, and it takes a lot more effort to use than most people would guess. Would you want to have to tote one around?"
    "No."
    "And why is that?" He laid the tip of the saber in his left hand and held out the sword as if offering it to her.
    "Because there's better available. We have guns now."
    He nodded. "Yes, we do. And for quite a wide range of combat situations, a gun is a better weapon than a sword. In fact, there are a number of cases where bare hands are better than a sword, but that's beside the point for now. If you were in a combat situation, where you had this and your opponent had a gun, what could you do about it?"
    She looked hard at the old weapon. It had a certain antique beauty and simplicity, but she couldn't imagine ever wanting to wield it.
    "Not a lot. Try to take the gun away from him, maybe?"
    Louis snorted. "I hope you never have to do that, Chris. The odds are going to be on his side. But one thing you wouldn't do is to shout, 'Hey, that's not fair.' Right?"
    She laughed. "Silly man!"
    His face went dark. "I'm trying to make a very important point here, Chris. Combat means no rules. What he has is what you have to deal with, period. If you can't face his size, his skills, or his armament, you'd better be prepared to run."
    "Well, you know I can do that."
    He glowered. "I said prepared to run." His voice had acquired an edge she hadn't heard before. "Emotionally. You don't ever duke it out with someone who's got the edge. A lot of guys have been killed by pride and unwillingness to admit they're facing superior force. Chris, this might be the most important thing anyone will ever tell you. Do you understand?"

[From On Broken Wings]

Do you know yourself?
Do you really?
Do you know your capacities, both physical and emotional?
Are you willing to commit violence -- possibly lethal violence -- in self-defense?
What about in defense of others?
Are you willing to carry a weapon?
What about an "illegal" weapon?
Should violence erupt, would you be ready, willing, and able to use that weapon?
Are you willing to strike the first blow?
Are you really being honest about all the above?
Most important of all...
How do you know all that?

Allow me to repeat myself: There are no suspended sentences for the crime of wishful thinking. Your beliefs about yourself could well be at odds with the realities. Moreover, the only way to determine whether a disjunction exists between your beliefs and the realities is when violence erupts.

Actually, it's even worse than that. No two violent altercations are exactly alike. What you did in that gin-mill brawl back when doesn't necessarily mean anything about the street mugging you're about to stumble into. Heraclitus was a smart old dude; it pays to keep his maxims in mind. Everything changes. You're not exempt.

What Louis was trying to impress upon Christine in the blockquoted passage above is the absoluteness of reality in a life-and-death situation. Reality is what it is. Your knowledge of it is guaranteed to be incomplete and inexact. That includes your knowledge of yourself.

I'm only going to say this once, so you'd better be paying attention:

Take no unnecessary risks.

Whatever you might once have known...whatever you might once have done...whatever you once knew about your neighbors and neighborhood is all historical information. You cannot know what elements of it have changed until the changes are made manifest to you in real time...and by then, it could well be too late.

All the rest of the above hangs critically on that one bit of wisdom.


So: It's on. Like it or not, if you're a decent human being of any race, you're a front-line combatant. I want you to go home alive. There are others who don't. You cannot wish that away; you can only cope with it, according to your personal abilities, circumstances, and station in life.

Are you prepared for what's upon us?

Saturday, August 24, 2013

It's On

Here's the evidence. Read it.
Here's a little more. Read that too.
Here's a lot more. Read it all.

Weep or not, as you prefer. For myself, I'm done with tears. And I'm too much of a realist to deny objective evidence and its implications.

In either case, the question becomes: What now?


If you use your senses routinely and are willing to credit what they tell you, Col. Bunny's citation of Vox Day below didn't tell you anything you don't already know. But then, neither did Robert S. Oculus. Neither did Paul Kersey. Neither did the badly maligned and maltreated John Derbyshire.

These gentlemen have been reviled so brutally as to make me wonder whether I'm being a fool for not concealing my identity and location. Yet what have they done, other than present verifiable facts and talk about their obvious implications?

Those implications weren't "politically correct." That's where the trouble arises. White Americans have been steeped in something its boosters call "multiculturalism" and the great Mark Steyn called "societal Stockholm Syndrome." I leave it to you to decide which of the above labels better describes the condition.

When it comes to the violence, the brutality, and the all too evident hostility toward whites that blacks have manifested these past few decades, we have been bludgeoned into accepting all sorts of excuses -- excuses that would never pass muster if applied to some other demographic cohort. The typical white American is internally so inhibited against looking plainly and speaking fearlessly about black-on-white violence that were he to be forced to do so, it might cause him a stroke.

Hot Flash To The Perpetually Somnolent: Blacks don't suffer the same inhibitions. Their mouthpieces speak openly of hatred for whites. They do all they can to whip up black hatred of whites among their fellows. If they grasp the inevitable consequences of such rhetoric, either it doesn't concern them or they expect to be safely and cozily dead before those consequences get here.

But we live in a universe with laws beyond Man's power to break. The deliberate evocation of racial hatred has put a train of events in motion that can have only one outcome -- and it would appear from the most recent events that that outcome is no longer a distant possibility the bien-pensants can pooh-pooh as a chimera over canapés and white wine.

That race war I've been wringing my hands about? It's on.


At the base of the problem, as is always the case when we confront a violent social division, is politics.

When I wrote this short story and this exegesis upon it, I was of course focused on international relations: the techniques by which fractious, quarrelsome nation-states jockey with one another for prestige and other advantages. However, the approach can be applied equally effectively to relations between the races. The same analysis yields the same insight into underlying principles...and the same conclusions about what must be done.

Briefly and bluntly, when two identifiable groups disagree on fundamental moral principles, they must be rigidly separated from one another to avert bloodshed. If they aren't rigidly separated, bloodshed will ensue. That's what it means to differ on fundamental moral principles. "Morally different" is merely a circumlocution for evil.

Just in case any of this isn't utterly pellucid, the fundamental moral principles at issue here are the following:

Aggressive violence toward peaceable others is evil.
He who shields a violent aggressor from his just deserts is an accessory to the crime.

Yet the thrust of all race-centered politics these past fifty years has been to soften the hand of Justice toward black lawbreakers, at least in comparison to the treatment meted out to whites convicted of comparable crimes. Moreover, blacks generally have displayed a powerful tendency to shield black lawbreakers, whether by denying their guilt or by demanding special accommodations for them that a white criminal would not receive. Blacks' coherence as a voting bloc in supporting left-liberal politicians and their favored policies has put a huge impetus behind this two-tiered approach to penal justice.

You've heard all the excuses. "The legacy of slavery." "Pervasive discrimination." "Structural racism." "Unequal opportunity." "Capitalist oppression." There have been others, but those are the most frequently cited.

The excuses wouldn't matter even if they were both accurate and apposite. Take any vicious crime: a murder, a rape, a violent mugging, what have you. Conceal all details of race, both of the perpetrator and of his victim, from some passerby and ask him what should happen to the miscreant. Once you have his response, ask whether his opinion would change if the perp were black and the victim were white.

If the passerby is white, he'll be made visibly uncomfortable by the suggestion. If he's black, be ready for anything. An angry retort is virtually guaranteed. Violence is possible.

In a way, it's natural. When we sense that Smith is "one of us," and is under assault by "the other," our impulse is to protect him. But that natural impulse is obviously an impediment to attempts at racial integration...and it's been amplified by the anti-white rhetoric of black racialist hucksters for just as long.

The past fifty years' sallies at racial integration, at equalizing the legal and political positions of black and white Americans, and at dealing with the "residual" tensions as the two races approached "equality" have struggled against that impulse. So far, the impulse, which is equally the driver for all trends toward racial segregation, has had the upper hand.

When I wrote:

[D]espite everything, the great majority of American blacks are devout Christians who strive with all their might and main to live according to their faith. If you're a white Christian, used to the tenor of the religious services that white Christians normally attend, you'd be blown away by the fervor of a service at a Southern Baptist or Church of God in Christ meeting. There's no hypocrisy there: these folks are passionate Christians who really mean it, in all particulars.

How much greater an injustice could we do than to group these good and gentle people with the thugs who exploit black class privileges to the hilt, cynically and ruthlessly, to the detriment of all of American society?

...I meant it sincerely. I work with several such persons, and they have my respect...right up to the point where they declaim about "the legacy of slavery," "pervasive discrimination," "structural racism," and so forth. Given the hazards to which an American -- a white American -- in corporate employment is exposed if he dares to make an objective statement about race relations, I've managed to avoid expressing my own opinions. But I can't help asking: If intelligent blacks working in a demanding field can't escape the racialist corral erected by the Jesse Jacksons, the Al Sharptons, the Jeremiah Wrights, and similar villains, what hope is there for anyone else?

Which is why I ask: What now?


I'm a child of the Civil Rights Era. I've yearned for the day when Martin Luther King's "I Have A Dream" vision would become the unquestioned reality of our nation. It has not arrived. If anything, it's receded further from reality with every passing year.

Intelligent people who would never act so foolishly in any other venue have collaborated in the suppression of information about black-on-white violence, black cultural pathologies, and blacks' hatred of whites. I have a special animus for "journalists" who have done so; their betrayal of their occupational responsibilities played a large part in bringing us to where we stand today.

The race war is on.
Recent black attacks on whites are the opening skirmishes.
If more and worse violence can be avoided by "negotiations," the time for the effort is now.
I don't plan to leave myself defenseless if they should fail.
What about you, Gentle Reader?

Pray.

Debased debate.

There are all sorts of candidates for the root cause of the systemic global financial crisis, but if we separate the wheat from the chaff we're left with risk and moral hazard. Pointing to human greed and cupidity as the cause doesn't identify anything useful about this era's crisis, as human greed, self-interest and opportunism are default settings.

That institutions have failed is self-evident, as is their inability to structurally reform themselves. If we ask why this is so, we eventually come back to the source: risk and moral hazard.

The key to understanding risk is to ask where it is being offloaded. Risk cannot be disappeared, it can only be transferred or cloaked. The question is: who is it being transferred/offloaded to? What are the consequences of risk pooling up in these reservoirs?

Moral hazard is a fancy way of saying those who have no risk act quite differently from those burdened with risk. Here's an easy way to grasp the concept: imagine two gamblers in a casino. One is backstopped up to $1 million by a wealthy patron; every loss he incurs will be made good until the $1 million is consumed.

The other gambler has only his own cash to put at risk.

Moral hazard means risk has been separated from consequence.[1]

I love the simplicity of Mr. Hughes's "human greed, self-interest and opportunism are default settings."

The left mendaciously believes these are loathsome characteristics of the "right." In their view "right-wing" means "Nazi," of course, exemplified by William F. Buckley, Sarah Palin, Russell Kirk, Justices Scalia and Thomas, Rush Limbaugh, Ann Coulter, Pat Buchanan, Gen. Pinochet, and any graduate of Hillsdale College and Grove City College. Anyone, in short, who has the unmitigated gall to want a society with real popular sovereignty and constitutional government. Who wants a country free of municipal water treatment departmental SWAT teams, 24/7 video surveillance, U.N. kleptocrats, environmental nut jobs, communist Congressmen, judges who wrap their garbage in the Constitution, and mystery-guest presidents with school girl fetishes about the Muslim Brotherhood and electric power grids energized by Harry Potter.

"Corporations" are greedy by leftist definition. And they exist only to distort the electoral process by donating billions to radical, racist, and anti-democratic causes and candidates. However, unions are never greedy, participate in the electoral process only to vindicate the interests of "good government," and are all out for the working man.

QED.

Individual leftists themselves are never greedy either. They only want "social justice," a tricky though still praiseworthy concept. A cynical friend observed that when leftists speak of "social justice" they really mean "what I want," but let's not go there.

The left's perpetual focus on right-wing greed, self-interest, and opportunism is yet one more illustration of the debased political debate in this country. Mr. Hughes raises well thought out points about the danger of offloading risk on the (wildly unconstitutional) central government and the moral hazard danger in doing so, but the left will want to keep the debate focused on greed, self-interest, and opportunism as though these human defects never ever were encountered until the spawning of the Eisenhower administration. So the centralization of risk and flirtation with moral hazard continue because we can't begin to have a rational debate about these problems with the left.

And note that it's no counter to this point to say that Republicans enthusiastically pursue centralization of risk and moral hazard. This they do do but this assumes that "Republicans" are somehow right-wing. A laughable, pathetic misunderstanding of the way it is.

Smith mentions institutional failure and institutional inability to structurally reform. These are hugely important points. Spending continues to reach stratospheric heights yet the citizen will search far and wide to find a currently existing institution that exerts even feeble efforts to control spending. The RHINOceristic Cong. Paul Ryan and the Simpson-Bowles Commission took a stab at chopping a narrow footpath through the jungle of rent seeking, redistributionist feeding frenzy, and financial sector criminality but their efforts disappeared into the background noise of the universe faster than Vince Foster's autopsy x-rays.

Notes
[1] "The Source of Systemic Crisis: Risk and Moral Hazard." By Charles Hugh Smith, Of Two Minds, 8/21/13 (emphasis in original).

Friday, August 23, 2013

Back to the future.

It should be noted that the consequences of mass migration are all but indistinguishable from the effects of invasion and occupation, and multi-ethnic societies have shown a strong historical tendency to collapse amidst vicious ethnic violence. No one who recalls the intra-black violence in Rwanda, the intra-white violence in Yugoslavia, or the intra-yellow violence in Vietnam should be misled into thinking that expanding the range of population heterogeneousity is going to alleviate, rather than exacerbate, the eventual inter-ethnic violence. . . .

I understand that three generations of Americans who have been raised to venerate the Civil Rights movement will find it hard, if not impossible, to grasp that history may ultimately prove to be firmly on the side of those they have always believed to be monsters of bigotry. But if what logic suggests is the most probable outcome indeed comes to pass, I suspect that forced segregation and non-violent ethnic cleansing will be the best case scenario in consequence of the damnable social engineering of the grand multicultural experiment that began in 1965.

It may already be too late for a peaceful return to historical segregation patterns. But if history is an even remotely reliable guide, the West will return to them one way or another. . . .

There is a flaw in someone's assumptions. The error may be on my part. But based on the known historical patterns as well as the way in which increased integration throughout the West has observably increased racial tensions rather than eliminating them as the multiculturalists so confidently asserted, I very much doubt it.

Vox Day quoted in "Vox Day: Answering a Simple Question." Conan the Cimmerian, 8/19/13.

Ideological zealots.

In 2003 we published In Denial, which discussed how an embarrassingly large number of academics denied, minimized, avoided noticing, or, the last resort, justified Soviet espionage against the United States as well as such Stalinist mass murders as the Great Terror and the Katyn massacre.

It was bad enough that such deplorable history was written prior to the 1990s. But our outrage was prompted by the sad spectacle of supposedly trained historians continuing to distort evidence from Russian and East Bloc archives that contradicted their biases. [Footnote in article to John Earl Haynes & Harvey Klehr, In Denial: Historians, Communism, and Espionage. (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2003).]

And it still goes on. One conclusion we have reached is that many of those who continue to write historical nonsense about Soviet espionage and communism are not consciously dishonest. It is not a matter of their knowing the truth and lying about it (although there is some of that). More frequently, we are dealing with intellectual “true believers,” ideological zealots who are mentally incapable of accepting or processing information that undermines their historical world view. To use a metaphor coined by the historian Aileen Kraditor, it is as if they wear special glasses that can only see what conforms to their world-view. Information that contradicts their fiercely held view is denied, explained-away, or, most often, simply ignored.[1]

This blindness is peculiar to the left in my opinion. The so-called Right is invariably accused of bad motive and nasty thoughts but not of a lack of realism. Leftists, by definition, subscribe to economic, social, and cultural fairy tales as their life's foundation. Hence, nothing can be permitted to crack that foundation. Haynes and Klehr are exceedingly courteous to wayward historians by characterizing their failure to deal with inconvenient facts as being a result of the historians' being ideological zealots. However, to borrow a formulation from a friend, if these historians were being dishonest, how would it be different from merely being ideological zealots.

I can't think of a lot of things that I'm zealous about except the obvious: totalitarian government will invariably be run by or taken over by human scum; free markets are better than regulated markets; government intervention in human affairs is invariably wasteful, destructive, or poisonous; the United States Supreme Court has betrayed the Constitution; it's a peculiar form of misery to have to put up with bureaucratic morons; and the civil rights revolution has failed utterly. These being true, I nonetheless cannot think how any of these beliefs impel me to ignore facts or arguments that undermine them.

Notes
[1] "Washing White." By By John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Washington Decoded, 8/11/13.