It's always a mistake to be too certain about one's prognostications...but there are days when the course of events seems both crystal clear and firmly set.
Just in case you've spent the past thirty years on Tristan da Cunha without an Internet connection, there's a presidential election campaign in progress here in the U. S. of A. The incumbent is one of the least popular presidents in recent history, while his putative challenger is about as inspiring as soggy Wonder Bread® But the year is divisible by four, and the news rags have been slavering over the prospect of this election ever since The Won was
deified raised to the presidency, so they have to write about it as if it were a world heavyweight championship fight. Their challenge, of course, is to find an angle that won't elicit either snorts or snores.
The easy answer is to write about the fundraising efforts of the two contestants:
President Barack Obama's re-election effort enjoyed a 10-to-1 financial edge over Republican rival Mitt Romney last month, out-raising the former Massachusetts governor by millions as Obama stuffed more than $104 million into his campaign war chest.
A nasty primary battle between Romney and his GOP rivals took a financial toll on his presidential campaign, which raised $12.6 million in March and left Romney with about $10 million in the bank by month's end. All told, Obama and the Democratic Party raised a combined $53 million in donations during that period, while Romney with his party pulled in about half of that.
Still, an anticipated fire hose of cash from major Republican "super" political committees and the Republican Party is likely to bring some financial parity to the general election, for which Romney only recently started collecting donations. Super PACs like American Crossroads and its nonprofit arm, Crossroads GPS, raised $100 million this election cycle, and the groups plan to flood the airwaves in coming months with ads critical of Obama.
Yeah, yeah, yeah. I have only one question: Do dollars win elections?
In the past, the consensus has been that a funding advantage equates to an electoral advantage. The logic of the thing is that funding translates to publicity, to popular outreach, and to lionization pieces about the candidate. The buried assumption is that these things are necessarily constructive. What if the candidate is already overexposed and roundly disliked?
Has there ever been a president as overexposed as Barack Hussein Obama? Has there ever been a public figure so determined to substitute public relations for perfomance, rhetoric for results? Indeed, has there ever been a high official whose self-glorification is so at odds with his record in power?
Would expensively expanded and intensified PR really help such a candidate?
Think about it.
The Left's rhetorical thrust in 2008 was that "if you vote against Obama, you must be a racist." The Right's riposte today is that "if you vote for Obama, you must be an idiot." Neither assertion is quite perfectly on the mark, though the latter contains more than a grain of truth.
However, race will be a factor in this election. Moreover, it will weigh against Obama, both in propria persona and through the actions of his chief lieutenants, most notably Attorney-General Eric Holder. These two men have racialized public policy and public administration so thoroughly that the most important factor about any target or supplicant of the federal government is his race -- and Americans are generally aware of this.
Just so there's absolutely no doubt about it: I am a racist. That is: I am persuaded on the basis of objective evidence that as statistical aggregates, the conventionally recognized races currently differ in several measurable ways. Moreover, all other things being equal I prefer members of my own race (Caucasian) as friends, colleagues, neighbors, companions, lovers, and business partners; I uphold the absolute right, under freedom of association, for any individual of any race to do the same. So call me a racist if you like; it rolls right off my back, as you can see.
However, I am not a political racist. I stand squarely against any suggestion that the law, or the political system, should treat members of different races differently. If individuals are not equal before the law, then the law itself is a fiction, merely a shield for the oppression of some by others.
Obama, Holder, and others in the Obamunist cadre have revealed themselves as political racists. The first indications came in the 2008 presidential campaign; there have been many since. The most recent one, which seems likely to have a massive effect on voting patterns this coming November, is the prosecution of George Zimmerman for the fatal shooting of Trayvon Martin.
The prosecution has no case. It has no evidence, whether witness-provided or circumstantial, with which to counter Zimmerman's claim of self-defense. Moreover, there is substantial evidence, both witness-provided and circumstantial, to the effect that the thing went down exactly as Zimmerman has said. But prosecutrix Angela Corey appears to have latched onto this case as her shot at glory. Perhaps she's never heard the name of Michael Nifong; if not, she's sure to hear it soon.
All the usual racialist flacksters have entered the ring, including Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton. If that alone isn't a giveaway about the weakness of the accusations against Zimmerman, I can't imagine what would do the job. But wait: there's more! Barack Hussein Obama himself, not content with having smeared a Massachusetts policeman as having "acted stupidly" in the 2009 Henry Louis Gates matter, has leaped into this melee too: "If I had a son, he'd look like Trayvon."
The arrogance of Negro racialists has risen so high that they feel perfectly confident about preconvicting a Caucasian for having killed a Negro. More, when they leap outside the boundaries of law, as the New Black Panthers did in putting a dead-or-alive bounty on Zimmerman's head, their allegiants inside the justice system simply ignore it. But inasmuch as Eric Holder decreed that the case against that very group for voter intimidation be dropped even though the Justice Department had already won the case, that was entirely to be expected.
Unless true justice should somehow prevail, George Zimmerman might soon become the sort of racial sacrificial lamb Andrew Klavan wrote about in his novel True Crime.
And now, a few words from Fred Reed:
Our racial policy has proved a disaster. Sixty years after Brown vs. the School Board, blacks have not assimilated. They constitute a separate people having almost nothing in common with the surrounding European society. They fiercely maintain their identity with their own music, dialect, customs, dress, and names. All attempts to turn them into middle-class whites in darker packaging have failed. Only relentless governmental pressure forces an appearance of partial integration....
Whites are frightened of blacks. They are afraid of taking the wrong exit from the freeway and ending up in a black ghetto. They are afraid when they pass young black males in a dark neighborhood. White women clutch their purses and cross the street, try not to get into elevators with them. The fear, seldom mentioned, determines where whites live, where they go, and where they send their children to school.
This unacknowledged fear engenders unacknowledged consequences. When white men buy guns, journalistic organs of that prissy rectitude we call political correctness—the Washington Post, probably National Review—speak of gun nuts, psychosexual inadequacies, and sordid fantasies. Hardly. The purchasers of guns have in mind defending their families should the need arise. The buyers do not fear attack by Jewish violinists....
A spring is being wound. On one hand, when you live in a sprawling tightly packed concentration of people like yourself, it is easy to forget that you are very much a minority, that the majority holds all the high cards, and that food doesn’t really come from Safeway.
On the other hand, via the internet whites now know of the racial attacks, and grow quietly very sick of them. There is among many white men an undercurrent of “Bring it on.” This is not confined merely to cops, soldiers, conservatives, Southerners, westerners, the rural and the blue-collar. You can find it, carefully hidden, in federal offices and even among men in newsrooms. The extent of this sentiment is easy to underestimate. Those who share it don’t dare express it, and most journalists live in ideological bubbles.
We must lynch Zimmerman.
What are the odds, given the efforts of the Jacksons and Sharptons and the participation of vicious racialists ensconced in the highest of high offices, that it will work out any other way?