Showing posts with label identity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label identity. Show all posts

Thursday, June 4, 2020

Of Identity And Society

     I was leafing through my archives recently, mostly just to pass the time, when I stumbled upon an old science fiction story. I first encountered it in The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction in 1967. The author is known for his scientific / technological orientation. It’s often been asserted that those elements were the ones that really excited him, and that he found the more personal aspects of storytelling less interesting. Much of his oeuvre would appear to support that contention, but not the story I have in mind at the moment.

     Rather than reproduce the whole thing here, which might expose me to a claim of copyright infringement, I’m going to give you the backstory and present only the conclusion. The backstory is about a heart-transplant candidate in an era when alloplasty — the use of artificially crafted replacements for failing organs – has eliminated the need for organ donors. The candidate has been posed a choice: between a metal replacement-heart and a fibrous, polymeric heart closer in form and nature to the human heart. The candidate and his surgeon-to-be have just clashed over the merits of the two...


     “Well, I can’t tell what happened just by looking at you. What was his decision?”
     The surgeon bent over his desk, punching out the final items for his records. “What you predicted. He insists on the metallic cyber-heart.”
     “After all, they are better.”
     “Not significantly. They’ve been around longer; no more than that. It’s this mania that’s been plaguing humanity ever since Metallos have become citizens. Men have this odd desire to make Metallos out of themselves. They yearn for the physical strength and endurance one associates with them.”
     “It isn’t one-sided, doc. You don’t work with Metallos but I do; so I know. The last two who came in for repairs have asked for fibrous elements.”
     “Did they get them?”
     “In one case, it was just a matter of supplying tendons; it didn’t make much difference there, metal or fibre. The other wanted a blood system or its equivalent. I told him I couldn’t; not without a complete rebuilding of the structure of his body in fibrous material....I suppose it will come to that some day. Metallos that aren’t really Metallos at all, but a kind of flesh and blood.”
     “You don’t mind that thought?”
     “Why not? And metallized human beings, too. We have two varieties of intelligence on Earth now and why bother with two. Let them approach each other and eventually we won’t be able to tell the difference. Why should we want to? We’d have the best of both worlds; the advantages of man combined with those of robot.”
     “You’d get a hybrid,” said the surgeon, with something that approached fierceness. “You’d get something that is not both, but neither. Isn’t it logical to suppose an individual would be too proud of his structure and identity to want to dilute it with something alien? Would he want mongrelization?”
     “That’s segregationist talk.”
     “Then let it be that.” The surgeon said with calm emphasis, “I believe in being what one is. I wouldn’t change a bit of my own structure for any reason. If some of it absolutely required replacement, I would have that replacement as close to the original in nature as could possibly be managed. I am myself; well pleased to be myself; and would not be anything else.”
     He had finished now and had to prepare for the operation. He placed his strong hands into the heating oven and let them reach the dull red-hot glow that would sterilize them completely. For all his impassioned words, his voice had never risen, and on his burnished metal face there was (as always) no sign of expression.


     My question is: Does the surgeon’s advocacy for maintaining one’s own original structure have application to the structure of a society?

     (And just in case you couldn’t guess, the title of the story is “Segregationist,” and the author is the late, great Dr. Isaac Asimov.)

Thursday, April 2, 2020

Proving Me Correct Dept.

     If you’re a Christian, or are (at least) aware of the teachings of the Christian faith, you know what importance we place on the virtue of charity. Christ’s command to “Love your neighbor as yourself” isn’t about warm, gooey feelings; it’s about coming to his defense or assistance should he need and deserve it. You know, “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you” were your situations reversed. Simple stuff, easily comprehended if sometimes challenging to act on.

     The Christian command to be charitable is why Christian churches invariably operate or are associated with charitable operations: food banks, clothing depositories, soup kitchens, homeless shelters, charity hospitals and medical centers, and other facilities for the assistance of people in need. We take this stuff seriously. Indeed, one of the mini-crises of American life – from a charitable perspective – is the near-universal opulence of our society. Very few persons, as a percent of the whole, actually need survival assistance at any given moment. There’s an actual shortage of neighbors to help!

     Simply for its illustrative power, there follows a piece that first appeared at the old Palace of Reason.


Looking For Trouble

Curmudgeon Emeritus -- Francis W. Porretto

October 27, 2003

     Interesting patterns and trends are everywhere around us. It baffles your Curmudgeon how an opinion writer could say that he has nothing to write about. As Robert Pirsig and others have said, "The more you look, the more you see."

     A Curmudgeonly acquaintance, who shall henceforth be called Sarah, can be found in the local supermarket every evening between seven and eight o'clock. Yes, she's married. No, she doesn't have a huge family that requires an hour's grocery shopping every evening. She spends her time there because she enjoys it.

     Sarah's not insane, nor is she unique. A substantial number of Americans shop for pleasure. If the supermarket seems an odd venue for this pastime, well, different strokes and all that.

     But Sarah's not shopping in the conventional sense. She's looking for trouble.

     No, no! She's not looking to start a fight over the price of eggs. She's looking for trouble so she can help to fix it. Since she's a gifted shopper, with a remarkable ability to squeeze $10 of purchases out of a $5 bill, she looks for people having shopping trouble: women who can't fill their larders adequately on their household budgets.

     Sarah's really good at this, and the folks she helps purely love her. However, at our last conversation, Sarah observed that fewer and fewer people seem to need her assistance. She mused about whether she ought to spend her evenings in a less affluent area.

     Another Curmudgeonly acquaintance, a retired gentleman whom we'll call Ray, has the charming habit of driving his truck around Long Island's major roads, looking for motorists with mechanical problems. When he finds one, he stops and offers to fix the misbehaving automobile right then and there, for free. Such is Ray's prowess with cars that he has yet to fail to deliver.

     But Ray, too, is longing for richer trouble pickings. Long Islanders' cars don't break down nearly as often as they once did. Worse, most motorists have cell phones now, and they don't hesitate to use them. Ray's been talking about moving upstate, to Sullivan or Delaware County, where the average vehicle is older and more likely to fail.

     This past decade, local churches have reported a strong upswing in volunteers for charity work. Charity kitchens often have more willing workers than they have clients to feed. Our hospitals are blessed with a goodly number of volunteers to keep company with the afflicted: reading to them, talking to them, or performing less savory chores that will not be described further here.

     A lot of Americans are out there looking for trouble -- and finding that there's less of it to go around.

     This is a happy thing. Right? Well, of course it is. Unless your sense of worth requires others in less pleasant circumstances for you to minister to. But the swelling of the ranks of volunteers has your Curmudgeon wondering.

     That Americans are willing to give so greatly speaks wonderfully of them. It also begs a question that many would prefer not to face: "Why are you doing this?"

     The question is not meant maliciously, but as a measure of another social dynamic whose arrival has been long foretold: the "hedonic treadmill."

     Economics teaches that everything is subject to a law of diminishing marginal utility. At any instant, to any potential purchaser, unit 2 of some good is worth less to him than unit 1. Unit 3 is worth still less, and so on. If there's a reason this law shouldn't apply to the direct satisfactions of life, your Curmudgeon can't see it. If it does, then the direct satisfaction of entirely personal desires -- that is, those desires that bear on no one else's appetites and interests but one's own -- will gradually lose appeal as those desires are met to an increasing degree. Therefore, as Smith prospers and accumulates the things he wants, the things that directly bring him pleasure, the effort he must expend to pursue more of them will appear to become excessive. When his efforts seem greater than the pleasure afforded, they will cease; Smith will step off the treadmill.

     Put another way: Just how many CDs and video games can you really enjoy?

     Of course, this is an oversimplification. It assumes that novelty and variety play no part. It also discounts the changes in tastes that come with age. Even so, it has some force. Handsome, affluent young professionals don't go looking for charitable involvement because they can't afford ski trips or find bed partners. Nor do they all do it because of religious conviction.

     We reach out to others, in part, because there comes a point where it's the only way to continue to grow.

     The Boomer generation, which participates heavily in the eleemosynary trend, has been the most individualistic, even self-centered, generation in American history. We've almost worn out the word "I." Even so, we appear to have reached our epiphany, our recognition that there are fulfillments beyond those of the senses, and that they deserve a place in our lives.

     It's a considerable irony that this should be happening at a time when true misery of all sorts is receding rapidly from our shores. Sarah's and Ray's clients are fewer and further between for the very same reason that Sarah and Ray can afford to help them: the entire nation is getting richer and economically more secure at an incomprehensible rate.

     Of course, that's not something to be unhappy about. Indeed, charitably-inclined Westerners headed abroad in search of recipients for their largesse might be the shot in the arm our airlines need. The airlines themselves might be the biggest beneficiaries of such a movement. Imagine that.


     As you can see from the date at the top, the above piece is seventeen years old. A lot of my readers laughed at it, back then – and it does have a somewhat humorous tone. Yet it was stimulated by real people and real events. That’s how seriously charitable persons – Christians, at least – take their charitable doings.

     At this point you’re probably wondering why this is at the forefront of my thoughts this fine April morning. Well, courtesy of my colleague David Drake, we have this offense against decency:

     An openly gay and anti-Christian New York state senator has condemned Franklin Graham and Samaritan's Purse for wanting to treat coronavirus patients.

     Samaritan's Purse set up an emergency field tent hospital in Central Park at the request of city officials. The respiratory unit, which will be supervised by Mount Sinai Hospital, can accommodate 68 patients.

     "It's a shame that the federal government has left New York with no other choice but to accept charity from bigots," State Sen. Brad Hoylman said. "You know those medical tents being constructed in Central Park? They’re being set up by notorious anti-gay bigot Franklin Graham. Mr. Graham must promise to treat EVERY patient with dignity and respect."...

     Even some in the city's LGBT community thumbed their nose at the Christian ministry's charity.

     "I don't want to demonize people who are volunteering their time, but it is a concerning thing," Amy Martin, a Brooklyn resident and former nursing assistant, told Gothamist.

     "On the one hand, this is absolutely an all hands on deck situation," she continued. "On the other hand, as an LGBT New Yorker, I would be hesitant to make that my first choice of care. I'd much rather be seen anywhere else."

     Remember what I wrote only yesterday?

     Homosexuals have made a habit of defining themselves by their sexual preferences. They’ve made those preferences the center of their lives. They’ve trumpeted them at the normal majority in a blatant display of disdain for and triumph over millennia of social norms.

     Timing, they say, is everything.


     I’m straining to avert fury. I’m also straining to resist clichéd expressions about “social cohesion” in “critical moments.” They come rather easily at times such as these. But I would ask the Gentle Readers of Liberty’s Torch a simple question:

If you could choose for your neighbors
Either Brad Hoylman and Amy Martin,
Or the volunteers of Samaritan’s Purse,
Which would you prefer?

     Imagine someone like Brad Hoylman or Amy Martin as a board member of your Homeowners’ Association. They seek positions like those, you know. For decades, homosexuals have sought the power to destroy those who disapprove of them, even by indirection. They’re heavily overrepresented in Human Resources departments, from which they can pillory anyone who excites their ire...and all that takes is a hint of overt Christianity or a single disapproving word or glance.

     To make what one does with one’s genitals the central defining fact of one’s life is about as immature and self-limiting a choice as I can imagine. Yet that’s what hatred-filled homosexual bigots such as Hoylman and Martin have done. They cannot abide being disapproved of for that choice. It angers them so greatly that they condemn others who disapprove and are willing to say so. Indeed, they would drive them out of their jobs and homes, were they able; that’s been demonstrated on too many occasions to warrant discussion.

     Such persons are acquiring ever more influence over governments and organizations with the power to destroy lives. Don’t doubt that they would destroy Franklin Graham and his Samaritan’s Purse volunteers, if they were able. That’s how deep their hatred and power-lust runs.


     I can practically hear my homosexual readers screaming that “We’re not all like that!” And it is so, and no argument from me. I’ve had a number of homosexual friends and acquaintances over the years, including one whose attempts to sway me to his side of the street lasted the entirety of my college career. They were all essentially decent people – but with a qualifier: Not one of them was willing to take a hand in disciplining his unruly, hatred-filled “colleagues,” not even to the point of criticizing them where others could hear.

     It’s a group-identity mentality, akin to that of many otherwise decent American Negroes. “We must protect ‘our own’ from The Man, even the ones that don’t deserve it.”

     I’ve written on several occasions about the dynamic that propels identity politics. Once an identity group acquires sociopolitical stature, it will spur the assembly of other identity groups eager to get their snouts into the gravy. Such groups swiftly acquire disproportionate influence, owing to their militancy and their short, tightly focused agendas. It’s deplorable – but it’s also irresistible. It’s why the political recognition of groups must be resisted at all costs. Clarence Carson knew this:

     [W]e are forgetting and have to a considerable extent discarded the methods for civilizing groups....Both the mob action and the techniques by which it is quelled are eloquent testimony to our failure to civilize groups. The current alternatives favored by “liberals” amount to admonitions to submit to the pressure and coercion of the group.

     If a convention were held to choose a Patron Saint of Americanism, my nominee would be the late Dr. Clarence B. Carson.


     And so we are seeing the emergence of a new identity group: white Christians. We have been blamed for others’ ills, trials, and dissatisfactions for long enough, and we want an end to it. We’re rejecting attributions of “white guilt.” We’re becoming socially exclusive. We’re forming White Protection Leagues. We’re establishing proprietary communities and refusing admission to those not of our kind. In other words, we’re doing what those who revile us have been doing for some time now – and of course, we’re being castigated for it.

     It was all as foreseeable as the sunrise. You cannot pour venom upon the Sarahs, the Rays, and the Franklin Grahams of our land without evoking a reaction...and that reaction has arrived.

     Time to pray.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Conviction Versus Identity

     (I was about to title this piece “When Faiths Collide,” but decided that it would be unfair to one side of the contrast. Apologies to Philip Wylie and Edwin Balmer. Maybe next time.)

     The Web’s favorite Bookworm has a brief piece up on well-known Constitutional lawyer Alan Dershowitz that has called to mind the important dichotomy expressed in the title of this piece. Dershowitz is a long-time liberal, and is especially well known for his work in defense of freedom of expression. He writes about number of illustrative cases in his book The Best Defense.

     Dershowitz is plainly a man of high intelligence. He’s also a man of conviction, which Bookworm illustrates in her piece:

     He’s a passionate Democrat (although he calls himself a “liberal”), but he’s willing to part ways with his party on important things. For example, he’s parted ways with the party over the whole impeachment fiasco. He’s also parted ways with the party when it comes to his staunch defense of Israel.

     It’s this defense of Israel that led him to say near the end of the interview with Hunter that, if Bernie wins the primaries, he (Dershowitz) will abandon the Democrats and campaign for Trump. The problem Dershowitz has with Bernie is that the latter went to England to campaign for Jeremy Corbyn — and Corbyn, of course, represents the apex of Western, non-Muslim anti-Semitism. Other than that, though, Dershowitz is good with his party.

     BUT...

     It’s that fealty to the Democrat party that’s the point of this post. The Democrat party has become blazingly anti-Semitic. Bernie is scarcely the worst offender and all of the Democrat candidates are hostile to Israel, even as Donald Trump is the most pro-Israel president (so far) in American history.

     “Fealty to the Democrat party” would seem to disturb the notion that Dershowitz’s politics are founded on conviction. And it is possible that something else is involved. For many persons with a greater-than-passing interest in politics, political affiliation is not about conviction – i.e., one’s reasoned opinions about good-versus-bad in public policy – but about identity. It’s an influence that can snare many an intelligent man – and has.


     “I belong to no organized political party; I’m a Democrat.” – Will Rogers

     There is a subtle difference between the following two statements:

  1. ”I’m politically liberal.”
  2. ”I’m a Democrat.”

     (The same difference separates “I’m politically conservative” from “I’m a Republican,” just so you’ll know I’m playing fair.) The former suggests (but does not prove) that the speaker has thought about public policy and has decided, through evidence and reasoning, that liberal policies are better than the alternatives. The latter is a declaration of attachment to a specific organization; it says nothing about how the speaker arrived there.

     There are many possible reasons for a man’s attachment to an organization, including conviction. However, when his convictions vary from those the organization supposedly espouses, it’s fair to ask “Why are you still a member?” For the reasons that still apply have dwindled to a bare few:

  • Inertia: A disinclination to make the change out of simple sloth;
  • Collateral Benefits: “Membership has its privileges.”
  • Identity: Membership has become an important part of one’s self-concept.

     In many cases the last of those three is the most significant. If “I’m a Democrat / Republican / Libertarian / Greenie / What-Have-You” expresses an important component of Smith’s conception of himself, that will give the attachment staying power apart from any other consideration. It’s an aspect of the need to be accepted by others that Abraham Maslow cited in his work on human motivational priorities. Over time Smith’s attachment might be reinforced by other factors – often including practical ones with dollar signs attached – but even in the absence of such considerations, the sense that Smith’s identity derives in part from his acceptance by the organization will provide for enduring adhesion.

     (An interesting tangent: Should Smith have become prestigious through his personal accomplishments, the intensity in any membership relation would be reversed: organizations will seek to have and keep him as a member, to add his luster to theirs. Smith would have far less personal need for them than they would feel for him. But today our focus is on the more typical case.)

     None of this necessarily applies to Alan Dershowitz, nor to retired Governor and U.S. Senator Zell Miller, the Democrat who famously spoke at the 2004 Republican National Convention. But it is a consideration for many persons. Indeed, it may be more important today than ever, given the trends toward social atomization in recent years and the steady encroachment of politics into every facet of American life.


     I could go on about this. I could note some of the more egregious instances in which political and ideological organizations have betrayed their members without even blushing. I could prattle about the strength of character required to eschew membership in any group. And of course I could explore the undesired consequences of rejecting “joinerism” as a matter of policy. But the major point is already made.

     Some years ago an old friend, after a long discussion of a political subject that had him perplexed, said offhandedly that “I’ll always be a Democrat.” The subject we’d been discussing was one concerning which the Democrat Party had committed the most devastating betrayal of his convictions. Yet he felt it was mandatory to remain a Democrat because he is black. There are many like him. There are also many like another friend, a passionate environmentalist, who felt his attachment to the Democrat Party to be just as mandatory, and another whose main concern is the alleviation of poverty, and another who values international peace above all else, and another, and another...

     There’s a moral in there, somewhere. Perhaps it’s most clearly expressed in this old story about Theodore Roosevelt’s 1912 campaign for the presidency on the ticket of the Bull Moose Party:

     While Teddy was giving one of his campaign speeches, a man in the audience jumped up and yelled: “I’m a Democrat! My father was a Democrat, my grandfather was a Democrat, and my great-grandfather was a Democrat, so I’ll always be a Democrat!”
     “Well, Mister,” replied Teddy, “if your father was a jackass, your grandfather a jackass, and your great-grandfather a jackass, what would that make you?”
     And the heckler replied, “A Bull-Mooser, sir! A Bull-Mooser!”

     Verbum sat sapienti.

Tuesday, April 2, 2019

“We’re Better Than That”

     The title phrase has been used, often successfully, to quench a rising wave of opinion that the Right should make use of one of the Left’s weapons. Those weapons include identity politics, pejorative name-calling, double-bind accusations, ridicule, and in general answering the Left’s fire with equal or greater counterfire from the Right. The NeverTrumpRump and “Conservatism, Inc.,” whose members Kurt Schlichter has delightfully christened the “Fredocons,” are especially unfriendly toward the rise of a white identity politics. The notion that white Americans, especially white Christians, should see their race and nationality as a unifying factor, just as do the Negroes, strikes them with a particular horror. “Recognize that which is common to us? Take note of what distinguishes us from those who call us enemies? Forge it into a bond upon which we can rely for mutual support and defense? Unthinkable! We’re better than that.”

     This is a variation on one of the rhetorical gambits I mentioned yesterday. Specifically, it’s the inverse of “It’s the right thing to do.” It attempts to shove the tactic under discussion into an untouchable bin: untouchable because the contents are a priori morally wrong. But are they?

     Clarity is absent from such exchanges. The subject deserves an extended examination.


     It is emphatically not true that “the ends justify the means.” If the means is morally wrong, it cannot be justified by yoking it to “a good cause.” But a means isn’t morally wrong simply because a gaggle of pundits declare it so. It must violate some aspect of the moral order of the universe.

     The matter of identity politics is hard to see in that light. Consider: the great movement of the post-World War II years to establish the legal equality of the races – keep the modifier legal firmly in mind – was a movement that drew its power from white Americans. There were some Negro voices involved in it, most prominent among them Martin Luther King Jr. However, American Negroes alone could not have mustered the political force required to overcome white opposition if whites generally had been averse to their aspirations. There weren’t enough of them, they didn’t command significant social or economic muscle, and they would have been easy to shut out of the political discourse.

     Start from the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which passed handily in both houses of Congress and was signed without resistance by Lyndon Johnson. What happened to disturb the progression from legal racial equality to a consequent harmony of the races?

     The answer, of course, is black identity politics. Racialist “leaders” made the forging of a quarrelsome and demanding black political bloc their modus operandi. They employed threats, bribery, coalition politics, and a number of other methods to imbue American Negroes with the notion that regardless of the CRA, “whitey” would hold them down, relegate them to a peasant class. They spread myths and rumors about CIA drug-running in black neighborhoods and police ever ready to arrest blacks simply for standing on the corner. They demanded ever more handouts, set-asides and preferences in government contracting, and ever greater representation in the bureaucracy. They maneuvered for the formation of solidly black Congressional districts, to guarantee the election of black Representatives…and later on accused whites of defining those districts against the interests of blacks.

     Were those tactics morally wrong? They were certainly ugly, lamentable to witness, but that’s not the same. What’s most important about them was that by creating a black identity movement, which necessitated viewing American whites as enemies, they’ve evoked a white identity movement in reaction, energized to defend American whites from blacks’ predations. The latter could not and would not have emerged without the former!

     White identitarianism is not an aberration but a defensive reaction to a hostile and increasingly militant minority . It will not fade swiftly. The deliberately fomented animosity of American blacks toward whites is too open and too virulent. The resegregation of the races will continue as whites leave heavily “integrated” neighborhoods for all-white enclaves in which they can enjoy a measure of peace and security. While responsible, law-abiding blacks remain immersed in the “whites are the enemy” mindset, defend and support black rabble-rousers, and protect black lawbreakers from justice, there can be no lowering of whites’ guard.


     The universe has strict, self-enforcing laws. One of those laws is that of equilibrium: No force can remain indefinitely unbalanced. Among men, every movement of any kind will elicit a counter-movement that will halt it or worse.

     The mechanisms delineated above have more bearing on political dynamics than notions of right and wrong. Ought we to be “better than that?” In better times, perhaps. But not when our survival, or the survival of our children, is at stake.

Wednesday, May 23, 2018

Elusive Reasons Part 2: A Suggestion

     In response to the earlier piece, reader Mark Clausen has submitted a tantalizing note of explanation:

     They simply have to utterly destroy DJT to discourage any future upstart "outsiders" that any encroachment on "their" turf will not be tolerated -- especially by those who have not been vetted by decades of corruption.

     I added the emphasis.

     A corrupt organization must ensure that all its members are corrupt. This guarantees certain advantages, one of which is the ability to destroy anyone who turns on the organization. A passage from Martin McPhillips’s blockbuster Corpse in Armor underlines this nicely. A conversation is taking place between “The General,” who heads a super-secret, officially unacknowledged organization that investigates and thwarts terrorist plots, and Charles Spencer, a multibillionaire who is one of the American heads of a communist-terrorist conspiracy that has plotted to nuke New York City. Spencer, whom the General’s team has just captured, has been fooled into thinking the General, whom he knows as “Edward,” is a member of a higher-level committee in the conspiracy. The General is probing for a way to prevent or forestall the attack:

     “We need to delay the attack and we want you to tell us how to do that.”
     “It can’t be done,” Spencer said. “Can’t be done. Simple as that.”
     “You must have kept a key to delay it, Charles. No one is that irresponsible.”
     “Eddie, I’m sorry, but I had to make it so that nothing could call this attack off. It was my decision. Now we have to prepare for the aftermath. But calling it off, it can’t be done.”
     “I don’t believe you,” the General said.
     “Believe or not as you please,” Spencer answered. “It won’t change the facts. I relinquished control over the nuclear operation.”
     “You’ve never relinquished control over anything, sir,” the General said. “You certainly wouldn’t let go of something this important.”
     “Well, look, Edward,” Spencer said, “maybe there is a thread that could be pulled, but first just get me out of this chair. My damn fingers are numb.”
     “You need to give me that thread first, Charles.”
     “No. I have nothing for you. You want to continue humiliating me, then I’ll let you guess about what I know. Stop treating me like a dog and I’ll be more forthcoming.”
     “Here’s what I’ll do for you, Charles, if you don’t tell me how to delay the nuclear attack. I’ll let you go, get you all cleaned up, back to your tip-top condition and send you on your way back to your life, and as you arrive back at whichever estate, the news will break, here in the U.S. and around the world, that you are a pedophile.”
     Spencer froze. It was as though he turned into polished marble, the transformation was so immediate and complete.
     “Yes,” the General said, “we know all about your secret life. Did you think that you would be allowed to accumulate all that money and power without us retaining methods of control? We don’t care about your habits. But we know how attached you are to your grand reputation in the bourgeois world, and what this revelation would do to you.”
     Decades of cultivated arrogance drained out of Spencer in a matter of seconds. The General had the thing that was worse than death for him.

     The salient thing in the above is that Spencer absolutely accepts that those above his head would have assured themselves of “retaining methods of control,” and that they would use them if it should prove necessary to break him to harness. It’s what Spencer would have done were their positions reversed.

     The corrupt trust only in the corruption of others. Thank you, Mark.

Elusive Reasons

     People want to understand the things they see, hear, and read about. They want explanations. Motives. The reasoning that would connect the responses to the stimuli. Now and then they get it, but not as often as they’d like...and not nearly as lucid, either.

     Writers of fiction understand this. It’s why we venerate Tom Clancy for his maxim that “fiction has to make sense.” Getting our characters to make sense is the toughest part of our job. We can’t merely model them on real people, because real people often do what they do for no good reason whatsoever.

     An old friend once opined to me that there are really only two reasons for doing anything:

  • “It seemed like a good idea at the time.”
  • “I was only following orders.”

     Watch out for that second one. It didn’t save the accused at Nuremberg and it might not save you, especially if the orders were oral rather than written.

     I’m grappling with a “why?” this morning: the “why?” behind the seemingly insane actions of a huge cabal of CIA, FBI, and DoJ functionaries, from the lowest to the very highest, to damage a presidential candidate they believed, one and all, had no chance of winning. As it is now established beyond a reasonable doubt that various CIA, FBI, and DoJ elements did take part in such an effort, there must be some reason.

     A few motives have suggested themselves:

  • To ingratiate themselves with the Clintons;
  • Envy of the “upstart from Queens” who had succeeded so spectacularly;
  • To establish for all time that challenges to the political Establishment will not be tolerated.

     All of these have a surface plausibility. However, when the potential gain is measured against the potential loss – a retribution being enacted in slow motion as the nation watches – it’s hard to accept any of them as truly plausible.

     The enumerated motives themselves deserve further exploration. For example: is it really possible to gain the loyalty of creatures as low and corrupt as Bill and Hillary Clinton? They haven’t evinced a lot of loyalty to anyone over their years in the public eye. Or is it that the conspirators feared that unless they demonstrated a willingness to act as venally and viciously as the Clintons, they would be denied places in a Hillary Clinton Administration?

     Envy is a powerful force, capable of animating a great many evil deeds. Still, virtually every conspirator whose name has come to light has no prior connection, whether good or ill, to Donald Trump. To argue for the envy motive is to suggest that Trump, above and apart from all the other fabulously successful men in America, had somehow earned their specific ire. That’s hard to swallow.

     The third possible motive, to establish that a severe penalty will be inflicted upon any commoner who dares to assert himself against the Powers That Be, is the one that best holds up under scrutiny. Yet the various CIA, FBI, and DoJ conspirators strike me as unlikely to have been animated thus for personal reasons. Such a motive is the sort that’s normally superimposed from above: by the truly High, as orders to their palace guards to see that the gates to the dive are well and truly secured. That makes a certain amount of sense, but it implies direction from above that would be extremely difficult to prove.

     Yet all of these, their relative probabilities notwithstanding, pale against the downside possibility of the ruination of the conspirators’ reputations, their social and occupational positions, even of their liberty. People could still go to prison over this, as unlikely as it might seem at the moment.

     Whenever the available motives make little or no sense, it’s required that we entertain the ugliest of all possible explanations: the one detectives dislike to the point of nausea.

     Maybe they did it simply because that’s what they do.

     Unless the perpetrator is standing over the body with the bloody knife in his hand, a crime committed simply because the criminal was moved by an inexplicable impulse to commit it is the very hardest sort to investigate – and to prosecute. Any good defense lawyer knows how to attack a weak tender of motive.

     Yet there have been many crimes, and many criminals who were discovered to have committed them for no logical reason whatsoever. And innocent actions performed as a matter of identity fulfillment are not unknown to us. Perhaps these spies, scandal fabricators, and calumniacs did what they did for that reason alone: it’s what they do.

     It’s an ugly mess, one way or the other. In particular, it destroys any nonsensical ideas about “incorruptible” government agencies, not that we should have harbored any notions of that sort in the first place. But in the aftermath of a discovery such as the campaign to smear Donald Trump, what we want most is an analysis that will show us a way to prevent a recurrence. Just now we don’t have one, unless it’s “forbid the erection of government agencies empowered to spy on private citizens.” While that’s a laudable goal, its practical application is as elusive as the motives, whatever they may be, of the conspirators whose actions we’re trying to understand.

Tuesday, December 12, 2017

White Identitarianism, Its Promise, And Its Peril

     The sign outside: "SECOND NATIONAL BANK OF OUR LORD, THE ENGINEER. UNIVERSAL CHURCH OF GOD OR SOME SORT OF COSMIC EMBODIMENT OF GOOD."
     Above the entrance to the church fluttered a hastily made banner. The masculine symbol had been crudely painted on a white sheet; the white flag indicated that the worshipers were white males and that blacks and women were "welcome" at their own risk. The population was now split into four mutually antagonistic segments. The separate groups began to realize that there was some point in keeping their members together in little cadres. The streets and apartment buildings were death traps.
     Inside the church the men were silent in prayer. They were led by an elderly deacon, whose inexperience and confusion were no greater or less than any in the congregation.
     "Merciful God," he prayed, "in whatever Form the various members of our flock picture You, corporal Entity or insubstantial Spirit, we ask that You guide us in this time of direst peril.
     "Brother lifts sword against brother, and brother against sister. Husband and wife are torn asunder against Your holiest ordainments. Protect us, and show us our proper response. Perhaps it is true that vengeance is solely Yours; but speak to us, then, concerning Limited Cautionary Retaliation, and other alternatives. We would see a sign, for truly we are lost in the mires of day-to-day living."
     The deacon continued his prayer, but soon there began a series of poundings on the door. The deacon stopped for just a second, looking up nervously, his hand straying to his sidearm. When nothing further happened, he finished the prayer and the members of the congregation added, if they chose, their amens.
     At the end of the service the men rose to leave. They stood at the door, in no hurry to abandon the sanctuary of the church. At last the deacon led them out. It was immediately noticed that a yellow factsheet had been nailed to the outside of the door. The Roman Catholics of the neighborhood had decided to end the centuries-long schism. Why not now, when everybody else was settling their differences? A Final Solution.
     A bullet split wood from the door frame. The men standing on the stoop jumped back inside. A voice called from the street, "You damn commie atheist Protestants! We're gonna wipe you out and send your lousy heretic souls straight to Hell!" More gunfire. The stained glass windows of the church shattered, and there were cries from inside.
     "They got one of the elders!"
     "It's those crummy Catholics. We should have got them when we had the chance. Damn it, now they got us holed up in here."
     The next day a blue factsheet was circulated by the Jewish community explaining that they had finally gotten tired of having their gabardine spat on and that everybody'd just have to watch out. Around the world the remaining clusters of people fractured again, on the basis of creed.
     It was getting so you didn't know who you could trust.

     [George Alec Effinger, “All The Last Wars At Once”]

     Identity politics. Identity movements. Identity ambiguity. Identity fluidity. Identity versus Identity.

     It’s all getting to be a bit much.

     Having said that, I shall remind my Gentle Readers that I believe the rise of the white identity movement, generally connected to the ill-defined political movement that styles itself the Alt-Right, was:

  • Compelled by the prevailing sociopolitical conditions;
  • On the whole, a positive development.

     I maintain those stances despite my conviction that identitarianism is a form of collectivism, and usually proves destructive in the long run.

     Yet I own and regularly wear a sweatshirt emblazoned with the slogan:

IT’S
OKAY
TO
BE
WHITE

     (Don’t fall off your chair, now!)


     Bril emerged near the pink star, disliking its light, and found the fourth planet. It hung waiting for him like an exotic fruit. (And was it ripe, and could he ripen it? And what if it were poison?) He left his machine in orbit and descended in a bubble. A young savage watched him come and waited by a waterfall.
     "Earth was my mother," said Bril from the bubble. It was the formal greeting of all humankind, spoken in the Old Tongue.
     "And my father," said the savage, in an atrocious accent.
     Watchfully, Bril emerged from the bubble, but stood very close by it. He completed his part of the ritual. "I respect the disparity of our wants, as individuals, and greet you."
     "I respect the identity of our needs, as humans, and greet you. I am Wonyne," said the youth, "son of Tanyne, of the Senate, and Nina. This place is Xanadu, the district, on Xanadu, the fourth planet."
     "I am Bril of Kit Carson, second planet of the Sumner System, and a member of the Sole Authority," said the newcomer, adding, "and I come in peace."
     He waited then, to see if the savage would discard any weapons he might have, according to historic protocol. Wonyne did not; he apparently had none. He wore only a cobwebby tunic and a broad belt made of flat, black, brilliantly polished stones and could hardly have concealed so much as a dart. Bril waited yet another moment, watching the untroubled face of the savage, to see if Wonyne suspected anything of the arsenal hidden in the sleek black uniform, the gleaming jackboots, the metal gauntlets.
     Wonyne said only, "Then, in peace, welcome." He smiled. "Come with me to Tanyne's house and mine, and be refreshed."

     [Theodore Sturgeon, “The Skills of Xanadu”]

     (Another “don’t” for you: Don’t wish you had a memory like mine. Yes, it provides me with a great many interesting bits of reference material, some allegorical and some more direct, but it’s also a source of a mighty sorrow. I remember far more than I’d like. I often wish I were as good at forgetting as I am at remembering, for the past is both an inexhaustible treasure and an indelible record of human folly: mine included.)

     Human commonalities mostly express needs: survival needs; security needs; the need for acceptance; the need for self-approval; the need for self-improvement. These are close to being defining characteristics for Homo sapiens terrestrialis. Black, white, brown, red, or yellow, we all share them. None of the lesser orders possess them all.

     Human individuality is mostly about wants: our personal desires, preferences, and tastes. These are beyond my ability to enumerate. No two of us have exactly the same set, to exactly the same intensities, arranged in exactly the same priority order.

     Identity movements attempt to add an intermediate category: some characteristic that serves both to collect some of us into a mobilizable group and, thus collected, to divide them from others. These days, the movements most in the news pertain to race, sex, and erotic orientation.

     The collection part is potentially innocent. There’s nothing wrong with taking pleasure in some aspect of oneself. I am pleased – occasionally, somewhat more – to be all of the following:

  • White;
  • Male;
  • Heterosexual;
  • Catholic;
  • Married;
  • Politically libertarian-conservative;
  • A technologist;
  • A scientist;
  • A writer.

     To the extent that any of the above characteristics are alterable, I would not dream of altering them. I’m happy to be what I am, and I hope most profoundly that you are, too. No matter how greatly we may differ, I want you to be happy with yourself.

     I also don’t want you to hate me. Or anyone else, come to think of it. That’s how self-regard that takes pleasure in various of one’s characteristics can remain innocent.

     Love of oneself does not require hatred of anyone else. Similarly, love of “one’s own” – whites, men, heterosexuals, Catholics, whatever — does not require hatred of those who aren’t part of the relevant group. Yet contemporary identity movements are as flush with hatred as they are with love...and sometimes much more so.


     The promise of identity groups is the same as the promise of a group of any other sort: to the extent that the members of the group can collaborate on a common aim without doing damage to persons not in the group, they can help one another to advance on that aim.

     The early civil rights movement showcased that promise. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. didn’t promote hatred of anyone. Indeed, he emphasized Christian love of neighbor, regardless of the color of the neighbor’s skin. Dr. King and his followers didn’t seek to deprive anyone of anything; they merely sought equal treatment under the law for the American Negro. If it had remained that innocent, the civil rights movement would have been wholly constructive. Unfortunately, it fell into the pit of Hell with Dr. King’s assassination and the ascendancy of figures such as Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Louis Farrakhan, all of whom promoted envy, resentment, and hatred – successfully.

     Thus also with white identitarianism.

     The burgeoning white-identity movement can still retain its innocence. However, purveyors of hatred are gaining a purchase on it. The hatreds are variously aimed: at blacks; at Orientals; at Jews; at Muslims; and so forth. Not only is that a corruption; it weakens the movement’s possibilities for gaining its proper aim.

     Hatred deflects one’s energies from constructive channels into destructive ones. If it is unnecessary to the attainment of the common aim – and I maintain that it is – then it can, should, and must be avoided.


     This is a book of love: love of one’s own, not hatred of the other. It is intended to bring hope, not to fuel a sense of hopelessness. It is meant to bring people together, not to drive them apart.

     [Robert S. Oculus III, The White Book]

     Are you minded to be an identitarian of any sort, Gentle Reader? It wouldn’t surprise me. The whole country is trending that way, to the extent that a couple of states are actually taking secession. I won’t insult your intelligence with an inanity such as “love trumps hate,” or anything like it. But I will exhort you to be aware of your true motivations.

     Love of one’s own is right and proper. The defense of one’s own against aggressors, regardless of their identities, is right and proper. The desire to get along with one’s neighbors necessarily includes those things – and includes one’s neighbors within their protection.

     It’s my contention that whites and blacks – more strictly speaking, Caucasians and Negroes – are observably sociopolitically immiscible at this time. The envy, resentment, and hatred that divide the two races dwarf any of our commonalities. Perhaps it need not be that way...but just now, it most certainly is. The facts speak for themselves.

     Facts have more power than anyone’s intentions.

     There’s a separation in progress: the separation of the races into separate, largely racially exclusive zones. That separation is driven by the inchoate realization that blacks mean trouble for whites – that even a sound, self-respecting black married couple can produce children who will hate their white neighbors and see them as acceptable targets for predation. No one who accepts this, consciously or otherwise, will placidly sit still while it takes shape around him.

     But it’s not a reason for whites to hate blacks.

     Similarly, Americans are slowly coming to acknowledge that Muslims mean trouble for Christians and Jews...for all non-Muslims, really. Suspicion has swelled about the rapid multiplication of mosques in this country. Far too many of them have been found to promulgate the Wahhabist / Salafist hatred and militancy that gave birth to Islam-powered terrorism, al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the unending slaughters in the Middle East. Just as whites are steadily separating from blacks, informal, sotto voce cordons are forming around Muslim-heavy districts. This, too, is entirely understandable, right, and proper.

     But it’s not a reason for non-Muslims to hate Muslims.

     It’s possible to love our own, to recognize the facts of our time, and to act on them in defense of ourselves and those we love without hating anyone or wishing them ill.


     There’s much good potential in the loosely defined “alt-right” movement. There’s also a lot of potential for harm, and harm there will surely be if persons with evil intentions gain a foothold within it. Consider the anti-Semitic comments to this movie review.

     You cannot do wrong without suffering wrong. And it is most definitely wrong to hate “the other” and to work for his destruction. If he strikes you, you may strike him back, as grievously as necessary to ensure your survival, security, and the survival and security of those you love. But unless you actually desire the outcome I speculated about here, you need not hate – and if you do hate and do desire that outcome, you are no friend to freedom or justice.

     You're also no friend of mine.


     That’s enough, I think. I could have wrapped it more concisely: Love your own, but don’t hate “the other.” Merely defend yourself against him as necessary. Should defense require separation, then work for that separation. Hatred and what follows in its train are neither desirable nor required.

     Identity groups that retain that posture can be innocent and constructive; they can help us to defend that which is dear to us without causing still greater terror, chaos, and destruction. Those that fall to the infection of hatred will sow the wind.

     With that I yield the floor to my Gentle Readers.

Wednesday, August 2, 2017

On Knowing What You Are

     Quite some time ago, back at the late, lamented Eternity Road, I wrote a piece about the difference between what you are and who you are, and the importance of distinguishing accurately between the two. What you are is your nature; who you are is your individuality. The former is not truly malleable, while the latter is almost entirely a matter of free choice.

     Quite a bit of contemporary Sturm und Drang arises from the desire of some among us – unfortunately, a rather strident some – to invert those two categories. They want to believe that they can reshape their natures, and to compel the rest of us to agree that they’ve done so. Conversely, they treat much of their individuation as immutable – often using bits of it as a claim upon others.

     It occurred to me just a few minutes ago that a political party has the same dichotomy to deal with. Baldilocks’ recent article about the Democrats drew it into high relief:

     The Democrat Party’s latest strategy sits poorly with some of its loyal backers.
     The Democratic party is facing a revolt from the left after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee chairman said the party would back pro-life candidates in 2018.

     The DCCC chairman, Rep. Ben Ray Lujan, told The Hill that there will not be “a litmus test” for candidates on the subject of abortion. Lujan’s comments come as Democrats attempt to rebuild a broken party that has hemorrhaged elected offices on both the state and national level....

     Saying that the Democrat Party had taken the lead on abortion advocacy is a Captain Obvious assertion, but individual Democrats are far less homogenous in their opinions and beliefs about abortion. And now, after a long record of losing elections, with the 2016 election being the straw, the Party wants to win again.

     And such is the nature of politicians and political parties regardless of affiliation: say what you need to say — even repudiate your most revered sacrament – then, when you win, drop the mask.

     Juliette’s cynicism about politicians is a good match for my own. But more to my current point, what we’re seeing here is a test not for individuals but for the Democrat Party. It consists of a single issue – abortion – and whether the Party will enforce consistency about that issue upon its elected officials. For what Juliette has said above is quite correct: to the political creature, what matters is gaining and holding power; what he says or does to do so is merely a matter of choosing the most effective tactics.

     Everything we’ve seen from elected Democrats since Roe v. Wade suggests that trusting a Democrat to be sincerely pro-life is an act of utter naivety. But then, we’ve had a slew of indications that Republican politicians are no more reliable in their campaign promises, haven’t we?

     It’s becoming ever more imperative that Americans who continue to believe in the nation’s political arrangements reflect, objectively and dispassionately, on how well those arrangements have served us – and on how well they’ve served the true agendas of those in power.


     Kurt Schlichter has recently penned two columns:

  1. The Military Coup Against Donald Trump of 2018, Part I
  2. The Military Coup Against Donald Trump of 2018, Part II

     ...which describe how the sort of coup against the Trump Administration some on the Left have been calling for might really eventuate. The outcome is anything but rosy: it entails the destruction of what remains of Constitutional protections for freedom of expression. Yet as Schlichter makes plain, that’s exactly what the plotters intended; they merely wanted to be the ones to decree what may and must not be said.

     At this time, the Left is striving by various methods to extinguish the expression of what we might call traditional American sentiments. As the Democrats don’t hold the preponderance of political power, it’s an effort that’s almost entirely in the hands of private forces. Of these, the “Antifa / Black Bloc” thugs are the most notorious. But we must not overlook other players, nominally apart from political maneuverings, who have taken a hand in the proceedings. The machinations of Leftists at Facebook and Twitter are already well known. Just today another such player has shown its cards:

     YouTube is, of course, a wholly owned subsidiary of Google. Just recently, YouTube / Google struck the accounts of wildly popular conservative / traditionalist lecturer Jordan B. Peterson, even to the extent of removing his access to his Gmail account. Massive protests forced Professor Peterson’s accounts to be restored...but had he been less popular and less widely admired for his forthright defenses of traditional arrangements, would the outcome have been different?

     Apparently, corporations of immense importance to contemporary self-expression have been deciding that what they are isn’t profit-seeking institutions after all, but rather organs of the Left. They’ve enlisted in the Left’s drive to construct a totalitarian State in which only the sentiments the “social justice warriors” approve shall be expressed. If they are certain enough to act thus, isn’t it a decision the rest of us should acknowledge – and act upon?


     As above, so below, say the mystics, and indeed it is so. All things that God has not “fixed in the everlasting congruity of things” (Sir Thomas Carlyle) ultimately reduce to individual decisions and the actions that proceed from them. And so we see, beneath all the newsworthy developments, the phenomenon of individuals deciding that their political allegiances are more important than lifelong friendships with those who hold other views.

     We don’t talk about this much, possibly because it’s so very sad. After all, the point of a Constitutional system such as ours is to make it possible to relegate matters of public policy to a “safe space” of their own: one in which disagreement on such matters can be tolerated. Plainly, a substantial number of persons within our borders – I refuse to call such persons “citizens,” or more offensive yet, “Americans” – have decided that the Constitutional order doesn’t suit them, specifically because power has escaped their hands. The election of Donald Trump has proved more than their never-terribly-well-concealed totalitarian impulses can take.

     A military coup of the sort Kurt Schlichter describes is currently unlikely; the correlation of forces is too plainly against the Left. But the operative word in that sentence is currently. Remember the Obama Administration’s efforts to purge the command ranks of the “politically unreliable.” Dozens of generals and admirals were removed from their posts for no other reason. The Obamunists’ enforcement of absurd “diversity initiatives” – essentially, rights to serve in the military that supersede what had previously been considered disqualifying characteristics – was another stroke to that effect, though apparently of less impact.

     Nothing is absolutely reliable except the laws of Nature...and we mustn’t be too confident that we know them to the last button, either.

     Know what and who you are. Don’t confuse the two. In particular, know your dealbreakers, especially as they determine with whom you’re willing to have converse, personal, commercial, or otherwise. Sauce for the goose and all that.

Thursday, February 25, 2016

You Can’t Ponder Social Pathologies...

     ...without simultaneously being struck by their correlations with race, ethnicity, and identity.

     In a recent article, John Derbyshire considered at some length whether those three conceptions, which are interrelated in ways both obvious and subtle, are relevant to the question: What does it mean to be an American?

     The article is too rich with important observations for me to do it violence by pulling any of its meatier bits free of their context. It deserves your undivided attention from top to bottom. However, one early passage strikes me as excerpt-able: Derbyshire’s probe of whether America is a “proposition nation:”

     Suppose I were to trek up into the highlands of Ethiopia, get myself invited into the hut of some illiterate Amhara goatherd, and explain our founding documents to him; and suppose he were to respond with enthusiastic agreement. Did he thereby instantly become an American?

     Conversely, here is a U.S. citizen every one of whose forebears arrived here before the Revolution, and whose male forebears fought with distinction in our country’s wars. He strongly disagrees with the principles of the Founders, and would have preferred we become a Christian theocracy. Should he be stripped of his citizenship?

     I regard this as important because it bears on the frequently derided concept of an American culture.

     Take that Ethiopian goatherd and drop him into Nebraska, perhaps on the outskirts of Lincoln. (Yes, he can bring his goats.) Would he be able to survive, much less flourish? More important yet: Would he abide by the behavioral norms, positive and negative, that characterize the American culture:

  • The legal “thou shalt nots:” no murder, theft, fraud, perjury, false accusations.
  • The cultural “thou shalts:” public decency; a certain minimum of neighborliness; adherence to the rules of civilized behavior in public accommodations (e.g., a grocery store).

     Note that the advocate for a Christian theocracy would have no problem with any of that. He’s a product of the American culture, having absorbed it from birth. Would our Ethiopian goatherd pick it up in time to avoid being jailed or lynched?

     The social pathologies of our era derive from the rejection of the American culture, as summarized above. That rejection correlates powerfully with race, ethnicity, and identity:

  • The preponderance of violent crimes and crimes against property are committed by Negroes.
  • Exclaves where American law is not honored are dominated by Hispanic, Middle Eastern, and African immigrants.
  • Persons who identify as other than American account for a great deal of the tension and disorder in our cities.

     The most important contrast here is between the above-named groups and the Eastern European immigrant waves of the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. Those persons arrived knowing only that they were leaving their homelands. They knew little about America; many believed much that was not so. They had little or no acquaintance with the Christian-Enlightenment heritage upon which America is based. Yet they assimilated swiftly, became sound, law-abiding citizens, and flourished.

     They were powerfully influenced by the institutions of the time, especially the public schools, which had as a principal mission the assimilation of immigrant children. They were not accommodated in maintaining the cultures from which they came:

  • They were expected to learn English.
  • They were expected to abide by American laws and customs.
  • They were expected to transfer their allegiance to the United States.

     Those late 19th and early 20th Century Eastern European and Asian immigrants did all those things. They didn’t even regard them as impositions. Yet today we make excuses for rapists and molesters on the grounds of their “culture.” We condone riots in our cities because of “the legacy of slavery.” We refrain from criticizing the practices of any culture, preferring to treat all as “equally valid.” If there’s any single development that underlines how far into reverse we’ve gone, it’s this: Instead of expecting the residents of the United States to speak, read, and write English, our governments print their official publications in more than90 different languages.

     There’s a lot that needs explaining here...and part of the explanation must derive from race, ethnicity, and identity as those things bear upon resistance to cultural assimilation.

     I maintain that you cannot function as an American – i.e., as a self-supporting member of American society, free to navigate through it at will, whose fear of the law cuts off roughly at the traffic and zoning ordinances – unless you adopt – assimilate to – the American culture. Yet we allow designated minorities to flout their active rejection of the laws and customs of that culture. We admit thousands of persons each month who neither understand the American culture, nor want to become a part of it, nor respect it enough even to pay lip service to its norms. And we passively tolerate their construction of exclaves in which an American, as implicitly defined here, would be unwelcome at best.

     Thoughts?