Showing posts with label socialism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label socialism. Show all posts

Monday, January 5, 2026

Unkillable

     It’s been said innumerable times that “you can’t kill an idea.” It’s true, even if the notion of “killing” is only metaphorically applicable to something nonliving. Ideas cannot be quenched once and for all. It doesn’t even matter whether an idea has any advocates. If it has ever existed in the mind of even one man now deceased, it could rise again.

     The world is in a flutter over the American operation to capture Nicolas Maduro and his wife and extract them from Venezuela to face trial here. Good thing? Bad thing? American overreach? Violation of “international law?” Venezuelans worldwide don’t care. They approve of President Trump’s decision to send Delta Force to collect the miscreant. I find myself in agreement with them.

     Maduro, you may recall, “inherited” the office of Maximum Leader from the late Hugo Chavez. Chavez, Venezuela’s first openly socialist president, swiftly dismantled the country upon accession to the presidency. He seized, nationalized, and suppressed. He ignored Venezuela’s constitution, took total control of the machinery of election, and essentially prohibited organized political opposition. He took the richest and most successful nation in South America and transformed it into a violent, poverty-stricken hellhole.

     Maduro took Chavez’s position and intensified his policies. Whether he did so because he sincerely held socialist convictions or because he just liked wielding power is unknown. Venezuelans starved, stole, cannibalized, and fled. Maduro never relented, no matter how severe the poverty and squalor became. But now he’s gone, and ordinary Venezuelans are openly rejoicing.

     But some people can’t – or won’t – learn from others’ bad experiences. New York City has just elected a Muslim Communist as its mayor.

     The consequences are already coming:

     New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has appointed Cea Weaver as the Director of the City Office to Protect Tenants. Presumably, a position intended to stand behind the rights of housing tenants against the property owner. However, Ms. Weaver has some remarkable views on private property and home ownership.
     In this video clip below you will notice Ms. Weaver outline how homeowners will need to modify their view on their property ownership to reflect a new municipal perspective that considers all individually owned property to be part of a new collective property viewpoint as controlled by city government.

     Thought that apartment building was yours, Big Apple resident? Thought that condominium was yours? Thought that brownstone was yours? Nope. There’s no longer any private property in the Five Boroughs of New York. It’s all part of a “collective good” that will be administered by the city government.

     Watch your ass, especially if you’re white. Heap Big Tenant Protector Cea Weaver has given you notice.

     The remarkable thing about this is how unabashed Mamdani and his cohort are about it all. They’re right out front about their convictions and their policies. Are they sincere, are they playing for power, or are they just cat’s-paws for a larger, shadowy network of power-mongers? Does it matter? The consequences won’t vary with how earnest they are. New York City is about to become Pyongyang on the Hudson.

     If Nicolas Maduro is allowed to read a newspaper, he must be laughing his slats off at this development.

     I used to believe that the seductions of socialism required that its target population be ignorant of its record in power. I can’t believe that any longer. New Yorkers may be foolishly attached to the Democrat Party, but as a rule they’re neither ignorant nor stupid.

     The Russians deposed their Soviet masters. The Warsaw Pact nations did the same. At least one of them – Romania – executed its former ruler. The sole remaining bastions of Communism are Cuba and North Korea.

     And New York City.

     The events of the late Twentieth Century killed several socialist / Communist regimes. It did not kill the Communist ideology. But the Communist ideology may be about to kill New York, at one time regarded as the greatest city in the world.

Friday, November 7, 2025

The Terrible Power Of ‘If’ Part 2

     Writer R. G. Ryan deposeth and saith:

     New York just elected a communist as mayor. OK fine. What if instead of running around with our hair on fire screaming about the demise of the Republic we just let it play out. Maybe view it as a huge social experiment. I don’t think it will take us all that long to see whether this version of socialism works or not.

     It’s a suggestion being made in several quarters. Such an experiment will affect the lives of millions, many of whom would rather not be involved in it. But it appears that socialism’s next trial run will take place whether they wish it or not. That returns us to the questions posed in the previous piece.

     There’s quite a bit of danger here. Not all of it is visible.

     The asymmetrical and elevated taxation newly elected Mayor Zohran Mamdani has in mind to power his agenda is of concern, of course. During his campaign he said that he wants to lay heavier taxes on “richer, whiter” areas. New York City’s income tax, like the state and federal versions, allows for “progressive” rates that bite harder as one’s income increases, so given the cooperation of the city council, he could get away with it. But the persons who live in those “richer, whiter” districts are more mobile than many other New Yorkers. They might choose not to stay and be shorn.

     Mamdani hasn’t yet suggested the expropriations characteristic of communist regimes, but it’s a good bet they’re not far from his thoughts. When the State goes into competition with private enterprises, that measure becomes ever more attractive to the regime. Big Apple businesses could feel Mamdani’s clutching fingers at any moment, especially in the food sector, which he’s openly targeted. Other businesses will be endangered simply from increases in the city’s cost of living and operating.

     There’s also a looming prospect for the suppression of dissent. Socialist and communist regimes dislike to have their failures discussed. Mamdani might follow the example currently being set by Britain’s Labour government: declare any public statements it finds uncongenial “hate speech” and deploy the police against the speakers.

     But those are the easily seen dangers. There’s a less visible one that deserves mention: the possibility that with adroit maneuvering and heavy support from the donors that financed his campaign, Mamdani might contrive a “honeymoon” that makes his version of socialism look workable.

     The 1988 serial A Very British Coup dramatized such a possibility. Freshly elected Labour prime minister Harry Perkins, by dint of personal charisma and financial support from the Soviet Union, had engineered a state of affairs in which the United Kingdom appeared to have achieved a version of socialism in which the country was economically stable and at peace. The premise of the drama was that various titled Tories would not have it: they counter-engineer a clever, almost entirely bloodless coup against the Perkins government. The series ends with Perkins addressing the nation with the outline of the coup: he challenges Britons to choose between his elected government and the Conservative plotters.

     Mamdani has already begun to solicit financial support for his intentions from those who backed his campaign. Will those donors ante up to fuel his schemes, thus providing a grace period during which the inherently unworkable appears to work? What would ensue? Would New York State’s government be induced to support his agenda?

     These are all hypotheticals, of course: “if” statements. But they delineate dangers and possibilities that deserve some thought.

Thursday, November 6, 2025

The Terrible Power Of ‘If’

     Good morning, Gentle Reader. I hope you got more sleep than I did. Anyway, here we are, with Hallowe’en and Guy Fawkes Day comfortably behind us, it’s time to proceed to the really urgent questions of our time, such as this one:

     I think the lady who asked that question did so to gauge the astonished outrage in the reactions. Apparently, she wasn’t disappointed. But the question itself is worth thinking about, for a very simple albeit troubling reason:

Any Sociopolitical System Will Work
If Enough Of Those Subjected To It
Accept And Believe In It.

     ...with the murmured codicil:

...For Certain Values Of “Work.”

     Those who find the above confusing should read the title of this tirade a few dozen times.


     Some words have more power than others. “If” is one such. In Godel Escher Bach, Douglas Hofstadter called it “the push into fantasy,” and it is so. What follows “if” can be as bizarre and outrageous as you please, else why would we use it?

     Sarah Luna’s innocent-looking question compels us to probe for what “success” – just another way of saying “would work” – would mean to a socialist regime. For we know all the following, from both theory and history:

  • Socialism is economically inefficient.
  • It requires coercion to bring it about.
  • The great majority endure a lower standard of living than under capitalism.
  • The ruling elite acquire wealth and power unavailable to anyone else.
  • That creates emigration pressure, which must be quelled by force.
  • It also encourages military expansionism.

     All that having been said, a socialist system can be said to “work” if the overwhelming majority of those subjected to it voluntarily accept its constraints and conditions. That requires the elevation of socialism to a moral precept: i.e., that any other sociopolitical system is morally wrong.

     By any other standard, socialism is a failure. Only if those subjected to it accept it as a moral code – a faith — can it be stabilized.

     The great Gregory Benford summarized this problem in his novel Against Infinity:

     “The Marxists thought that under socialism, alienation and class warfare would stop. They ignored the fact that the dialectical model of change never predicted an end to contradictions, or to evolution. Socialism requires a bureaucracy, and that means an administrative class. The administrators faced a problem Marxism never discussed: how well socialism works, versus capitalism. What is the good of being exactly equal to everybody else, if that means you have to be poor? The last century has taught us—or rather, Earth—that socialism is less efficient than capitalism at producing goods.”

     In other words, if the standard is an unquestionable moral precept that “capitalism is wrong and socialism is right,” socialism “succeeds.”


     Mamdani’s vision of a socialist New York City has only that one chance of survival: persuading the overwhelming majority of Big Apple residents that the conditions he seeks to impose upon them are morally mandatory. Is that even thinkable, in the city that’s been the commercial and financial hub of the world for a century – the city that’s been called “the capital of capitalism?”

     It doesn’t seem likely, but stranger things have happened. Perhaps all the “diehard capitalists” will “emigrate” to friendlier cities and states. Perhaps the remaining residents will accept the much lower standard of living socialism provides as the price for being “right” while the rest of us are “wrong.” It’s just a moral stricture, qualitatively the same as Christianity’s requirement that married men remain faithful to their wives.

     But it’s not likely. Big Apple residents are accustomed to high wages and affluence. Mamdani will face pressure to raise revenues without raising taxes appreciably. He’ll appeal to the state government, and possibly the federal government, for aid. And it’s not entirely impossible that he’ll get it. Remember the Great Default of 1975 under Mayor Abraham Beame?

     Concerning the possibility of a fiscal collapse, Manhattan Institute fellow E. J. McMahon comments:

     Could New York City ever go broke again? The answer is no—or at least, not in the same way as it did in the 1970s, because of financial guardrails set up by the reforms of that era. The prosperity that lifted New York out of virtual bankruptcy, however, also seeded new versions of the political impulses that gave rise to the crisis in the first place. The elected officials who nowadays dominate city hall and Albany exude a sense of fiscal entitlement and economic invulnerability, an aversion to any suggestion of limits on government ambitions, strikingly reminiscent of the Wagner and Lindsay eras. The city’s sprawling network of tax-subsidized nonprofits—a political force that didn’t exist a half-century ago—lobbies relentlessly for higher spending while serving as an organizational network for progressive activists and politicians. Nearly one-quarter of New York’s private-sector employment—twice the share of 30 years ago—is now concentrated in the publicly subsidized health-care and social-assistance sector, which accounts for all the city’s post-pandemic job growth. The municipal labor unions are as powerful as ever, if not more so.
     In short, New York City is poised for another epic fiscal fall. A moderately severe recession is all it would take to push it over the edge. This time, the climb back to fiscal stability could be considerably more difficult.

     Those “political impulses” have come to fruition with the election of socialist Zohran Mamdani.

Saturday, December 19, 2020

A Consumer, Not A Creator

     C’est moi, when it comes to what are currently called memes. However, I enjoy the clever ones, and am always happy to come upon one that expresses an important truth in a memorable fashion. The following is a case in point:

     Bravo! Visually arresting and evocative. But let’s “unpack” it a bit. There are more layers to it than a mere chortle would do it justice.

     Socialism and Communism – the former is actually just the latter before the show trials, gulags, and executions get revved up – are animated by the same emotion: envy. I use the term here in its maximally intensified sense: the hatred of those who have something the envious one does not.

     I have a lot of quotes about envy in my database. Here are some of the pithier ones:

     The envious man thinks that if his neighbor breaks a leg, he will be able to walk better. (Folk saying)
     There is perhaps no phenomenon which contains so much destructive feeling as moral indignation, which permits envy or hate to be acted out under the guise of virtue. (Erich Fromm)
     Communism possesses a language which every people can understand - its elements are hunger, envy, and death. (Heinrich Heine)
     Envy is ineluctable, implacable and irreconcilable, is irritated by the slightest differences, is independent of the degree inequality, appears in its worst form in social proximity among near relatives, provides the dynamic for every revolution yet cannot of itself produce any kind of coherent revolutionary program. (Helmut Schoeck)
     No one admits publicly, and hence public opinion does not admit, that ingratitude is the norm. It is astounding that countless benefactors allow themselves to be persuaded over and over that ingratitude with the resultant hatred is a rare and special case. (Helmut Schoeck)
     There is one state that no society can live in for any length time, accepting it as official doctrine, and that is mutual envy. (Helmut Schoeck)

     (Allow me, once more with feeling, to urge upon you, Gentle Reader, Helmut Schoeck’s blockbuster book Envy: A Theory of Social Behaviour. I can think of no volume more relevant to our current age. You will come away from it with new and better eyes. Best of all, it’s now available for the Kindle.)

     But concerning great beauty and the possession of an eye-catching rack, let it be noted that even in the Soviet Union of old, a few women had them. Who were they? Why, they were women who could acquire the necessities: the sweethearts of the politically powerful, of course! If your husband or lover was high enough in the nomenklatura, you could eat well, dress well, get high-quality cosmetics, have access to fitness-maintenance facilities, and maintain a beautiful appearance. Indeed, those things were essential to maintaining your status as the main squeeze of a high muckety-muck. Stint the use of them, and you’d soon be out of favor...or worse.

     And what delusion is prevalent among those who favor collectivist political systems? Why, they all expect to be commissars in the New Order! Remember that coal-heaver from 1848 France:

     The envious are not satisfied with equality; they secretly yearn for superiority and revenge. In the French Revolution of 1848, a woman coal-heaver is said to have remarked to a richly dressed lady: “Yes, madam, everything’s going to be equal now; I shall go in silks and you’ll carry coal.”

     As an illustration of the sort of “equality” left-leaning types truly cherish, this one is unparalleled. Nor will they allow themselves to think that the outcome might be otherwise – that it might result in them doing thankless, mind-numbing work to stay alive, living in a one-room apartment, and waiting for hours on long lines to purchase potatoes and beets...when they’re available.

     With the prospect of a socialist executive administration looming ever nearer, this is the sort of subject that should be aggressively promoted in the national discourse. Is anyone troubling himself to mention it where others can hear?

     Just a quick thought before I go out to spread more E-Z-Melt on the driveway.

Monday, February 24, 2020

The Socialist Front In The Lexical Wars

     Good morning, Gentle Reader. It’s yet another unnaturally wet and foggy day here on the fabled Island of Long. As noted social commentator Tom Bombadil has observed, wet days are good for getting the wash done...but not much else. As the news has been fairly boring, I shall return to one of my favorite obsessions, which, owing to the state of the presidential campaign, has become particularly relevant. But first, a musical lead-in:

     (Does anyone know whether Brenda Ann Spencer is still in prison?)


     If you can control the terms of debate, and the meaning of those terms, you can guarantee victory regardless of the opposing forces’ arguments and rhetorical skills. This effect is growing particularly important within the Democrat Party: first, among those who’d like to preserve it beyond the 2020 elections; second, among those who want to impose their own agenda on it.

     It should not be news to any Gentle Reader that Senator Bernard Sanders (I-VT) is currently the front-runner in the Dems’ nomination contest. Sanders is, of course, an avowed socialist...but, he will immediately add, he’s a democratic socialist. How does a democratic socialist differ from an unmodified socialist? Sanders won’t elucidate. Moreover, every attempt to probe for a difference that makes a difference elicits the conventional Leftist response of attacking the questioner’s motives.

     Historically, when “democratic” socialists rise to power in some land, they maintain a pretense of deference to majority opinion for a while, but are replaced in short order by full-on / conform-or-be-shot authoritarian socialists. That’s the kind that doesn’t give a fig for the consent of the governed. Their attitude is that “We know what’s best so sit down, shut up, and take what we give you.” The most recent progression of this kind was in Venezuela.

     Indeed, even in the “democratic” phase of the disease, if the regime can’t produce an authentic show of majority support, it will contrive to create the appearance of one. Election fraud is the first stage. Voter intimidation follows soon after. And in the sweet rushing fullness of time, the regime begins imprisoning popular dissenters and shutting down organs that dare to criticize the goings-on. At that point the transition to authoritarian socialism has been completed.

     All this is well documented in case after case. However, the aspiring “democratic” socialist will avert all discussion of such naughtiness. He’s different, you see. He cares about “the people,” or “the workers,” or “the marginalized,” or whatever flag he’s chosen to wave for his current campaign. And don’t you dare to differ with him or he’ll call you, in the treasured formulation of an old friend, “everything but white.”

     But the progression will roll on as it always does. He and those who back him really do believe that they know what’s best. If those idiots the voters disagree, well, they’ll just have to be made to accept it. Given time they’ll learn to like it...and if they don’t, well, the regime has all the guns. Disarming the populace is an absolute and indispensable prerequisite to socialism.

     But Americans have made it impossible to disarm us. There are too many of us, we have more guns than any populace in history, and we’ve made it clear that any attempt to take them from us will trigger a civil war. So what’s a socialist to do?


     An old saying that probably originated in some corporate conference room is pertinent here:

If you can’t dazzle ‘em with brilliance,
Baffle ‘em with bullshit.

     Now, bullshit is, in a sense, the universal currency of politics. All politicians, in practical terms, are bullshitters. They might represent themselves as caring about the nation – the smarmier ones will attempt to convince you that they care about you personally – but in point of fact, their highest priority is political advancement: a higher office, more power, grander status and perquisites. The lowliest town clerk will tell you – if you get him drunk enough, at least – that he could run this country better than whoever is currently in the Oval Office. The implications for the character and pretensions of the political animal “should” be “obvious.”

     But socialist bullshit is different – indeed, it differs in kind from conventional political bullshit. Socialist bullshit has major three aims:

  1. To promulgate the fantasy that government can provide you things “for free:”
  2. To obscure the congruity of the speaker’s program with those of all other socialist regimes;
  3. To delegitimize all criticisms and critics of the speaker’s claims by attacking them as evilly motivated.

     The astute observer can see all three of those aims being advanced in the campaign rhetoric of Bernie Sanders. Moreover, they interlock in mutual support: a perfect, highly useful political ideon.

     The first aim, the fantasy of “free stuff,” ought to be the easiest of all to counter. After all, nothing in the material world is free of cost. Anyone who claims otherwise has never been responsible for his own upkeep. Those who claim a “right” to free education, free housing, free healthcare, or what have you are actually claiming they have the “right” to reinstitute slavery, to produce the freebies they demand. But to note that out loud makes you the vilest creature on Earth, and they’ll be sure to say so.

     The second aim is a bit tougher to cope with, but only because Americans’ knowledge of the histories of nations that have lapsed into socialism is meager. There’s quite a lot of history about socialism, but it’s not taught in schools, and the typical American adult’s leisure reading doesn’t cover it...assuming that he reads at all, which many don’t. That leaves a relatively clear field for the socialist campaigner to claim that his version of the ancient evil will “work,” in comparison to all those other “fascist” regimes that falsely wore a socialist label. They “weren’t real socialism,” and once again: don’t you dare to differ with him if you don’t want to be drowned in his venom.

     The third aim – the rhetorical tactic of denouncing the opponent – is extremely tough to counter because the target’s immediate, automatic reaction is to go on the defensive: to deny the vilifications. To this response, the attacker can reply with more lies and an “Oh yeah? Prove it” stance that demands that the target humiliate himself. Moreover, the attacker will often “argue” that his critic must be of low motives and character: “He’s trying to deny you all this free stuff! Why else would he do that?”

     Hearing this must get Demosthenes spinning in his grave fast enough to power Los Angeles. Personally, I would prefer the customs of the Camiroi.


     In effect, the socialist front in the lexical wars is a struggle over the meaning of certain words fundamental to political discourse: most particularly “socialism,” “rights,” and “free.” Bernie Sanders is an active combatant in that war. He gets away with his deceits and concealments routinely, but then, those who have the opportunity to challenge him mostly share his positions and wouldn’t want to see them defeated.

     Sanders has never had to debate anyone who both knows his stuff and is willing to challenge him on specifics. Thomas Sowell would have him bawling within ten minutes. Anyone sufficiently knowledgeable, who possesses the courage required to stand his ground against a flood of vilification, could do so. But actual debates, in which facts matter and a panel of judges decide who has the better arguments, have vanished from use. And in that observation lies the explanation for the inroads socialist promoters have made with our woefully miseducated youth.

Thursday, January 30, 2020

Quickies: Once Bitten, Twice Shy

     If there are any hard and fast, entirely reliable rules in the realm of geopolitics, this would be one: Never trust an avowed socialist. Especially once he’s had power enough to show his true colors. So I wouldn’t be in a great hurry to bid on this offer:

     When Hugo Chavez came to power in 1999, Venezuela was producing more than 3 million barrels per day of crude. With the help of billions in loans from China, Chavez was able to sustain production at around 2.5 million barrels per day. In the past year, production has fallen below 1 million barrels per day, the lowest rate of production in 75 years. As a result, per capita GDP has fallen by nearly half in the past six years.

     Now, the Chinese government is apparently becoming reluctant to throw good money after bad. As a consequence, Chavez's hapless successor, President Nicolas Maduro, is now reportedly proposing to sell a majority stake in, and give control of the country's state-owned oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela SA, to private international oil companies. This offer may be less than tempting to Big Oil since the Bolivarian Republic still owes billions to the oil companies whose property it seized 10 years ago.

     “Privatize.” A lovely word, but...would the government of Venezuela retain the power to re-nationalize the oil industry? Because if so, no investment in any industry in that nation would be safe from the claws of the State.

     Allow me a citation about another “socialist paradise:” Burma under dictator Ne Win:

     Ne Win set out his ideas in a manifesto: The Burmese Way to Socialism, which proclaimed two antithetical principles: a commitment to Marxism and the promise of “a new society for all, economically secure and morally better.” It was the commitment to Marxism that won.
     More than 90% of Burma’s commerce and industry was nationalized, creating drastic shortages of all commodities on the home market and – the natural consequence – widespread corruption and a flourishing black market, despite severe penalties. IN agriculture, Ne Win went even further than his distant mentors of the Soviet Union, for instance by “nationalizing” onions, potatoes, and beans. All three items promptly disappeared, since the farmers saw no special reason to produce them. Ne Win’s response was typically authoritarian. He decontrolled onions, potatoes, and beans; all three rapidly reappeared on the market. He then pounced on the private traders who were handling the reborn items, ordering the army to seize the more successful firms, and jailing the successful owners.

     [Arthur Seldon and Brian Crozier, Socialism: The Grand Delusion. Emphasis added by FWP.]

     How do you feel about Bernie Sanders now, Comrade?

Saturday, October 19, 2019

No Hiding

     When a politician proposes to “give” you something, he’s lying to you. There are no exceptions. Americans once knew that at a visceral level. They understood that the State cannot “give” unless it first takes -- and the taking must exceed the giving for the “transaction” to occur at all.

     But apparently a lot of Americans have never learned about this teensy little fact of life. The evidence is the willingness of a great many to take vipers like Elizabeth Warren as honest and sincere.

     This morning, Silicon Graybeard has a nicely detailed article on Warren’s ridiculous claim that a “Medicare for all” system – socialized medicine without the admission that it’s socialized – will make Americans’ medical care cheaper in aggregate. However, it won’t appeal to the “I was told there would be no math” crowd, as it uses actual numbers. So for the rest, here’s why a claim such as Warren’s cannot possibly ever be true.


     Medical care – i.e., the goods and services Americans consume for the maintenance and restoration of their health – is provided by people:

  • People make the goods: i.e., the medicines, the devices, and the hospital and clinic buildings.
  • People – nurses, doctors, and their various aides and orderlies – provide the services.
  • People must be paid for those goods and services.

     Let’s avoid numbers and simply call the current aggregate cost of American medical care – the total we who consume it must pay for it at the retail end -- $X.

     Just now, the transactions involved in making those purchases are dyadic: i.e., they occur between two agents, a provider and a purchaser. Sometimes the purchaser makes use of insurance to afford them, but the actual transaction involves only two actors.

     In a “Medicare for all” system, such transitions become triadic: one or more third parties must be appeased for the transaction to occur. Those third parties are the legions of bureaudrones who would administer the system. They too must be paid. Let’s call the aggregate of their salaries $Y. We’re not paying them at the moment, because they’re not there: Washington hasn’t hired them. There are a few who administer the already existing Medicare system, but their number would surely increase were Medicare expanded to cover all medical products and services. As Medicare currently serves about a fifth of the nation, the population of Medicare administrators would probably increase by about 400%.

     That’s a lot of government salaries and benefits packages. So $Y is likely to be a big number. However, the important thing about it is that it will be a positive number. Therefore, there is simply no getting around the fact:

$X + $Y will be greater than $X.

     So the aggregate cost of medical care under a “Medicare for all” scheme would necessarily be greater than in the current moderately-free market for such things.

     But the advocates of socialized medicine will object: “There are ways to control the costs!” And to the analysis of those ways we shall now turn.


     The first notion the socialized-medicine folks will float is the old “waste, fraud, and abuse” gambit. These things, they claim, can be isolated, hunted down, and staked through the heart. Afterward, costs are guaranteed to decrease. (And “we’ll all go to the house of pancakes.”)

     It’s nonsense, of course. It’s a promise politicians always make when they seek to reach into your wallet. The refutation is simple. “Waste, fraud, and abuse” don’t emerge spontaneously out of the primordial ylem. They occur because people commit those acts: producers, consumers, and insurers of medical care. Some percentage of those involved in such transactions will be dishonest, and will endeavor to cheat the system. As the number of persons involved in the system is guaranteed to increase under socialized medicine, the number of dishonest persons would increase as well. (This assumes Washington proves unable to hire from the ranks of the angels, but when has it ever?) Thus “waste, fraud, and abuse” would increase.

     Indeed, the problem might explode. In the current, moderately free system, there are legal consequences should a patient, a provider, or an insurer attempt to cheat and be found out. But were the system to be socialized, a sharply increased fraction of the cheaters would be inside the government, and therefore less accountable to any enforcement agency. Elaborate new systems designed to conceal the cheating from the citizenry would emerge. Supervisors and departmental administrators would be encouraged to look away, perhaps for “a piece of the action.”

     The crusader against “waste, fraud, and abuse” through increased government involvement and control is a con man. “Government,” “honesty,” and “efficiency” have never gone together, and never will.


     The second of the socializers’ gambits is price control: under a socialized system, the State would decree that the prices of medical products and services cannot exceed certain maxima. Those maxima would be determined by the administrators of the system, as Congress is too busy with more important matters. (More important than life and death? Why yes: more important than your life or death, anyway.)

     But price controls guarantee that the products and services being price-controlled will become less available. They always have and they always will. So drugs and medical devices of all sorts would rapidly dwindle. The development of new ones would likely halt in place. And of course, those who aspire to become doctors or nurses would view their career prospects in a completely different light: as de facto government employees who lack the right to set the prices for their own services. The balance of incentives and disincentives to enter the medical field would shift toward the negative. We’d have fewer medical practitioners of every sort.

     Maybe medical care would be cheaper...but would you be able to get it when you need it? Ask any Briton or Canadian.


     Third and last for this tirade, we have the “tax the rich” nostrum, which is the major arrow in Elizabeth Warren’s quiver. (She does carry a bow and a quiver full of arrows, doesn’t she? I mean, as she’s an Indian, and dislikes guns as well...?) This is a frank admission that costs would increase. It merely seeks to excite the cupidity of the voter by offering to shift his burdens onto other, “rich” shoulders.

     We can leave aside the moral aspects of such a proposition. Either they’re obvious or they aren’t. But the practical aspects are important as well. First, just who are these “rich?” Second, what do you imagine they would do when confronted by the massive tax increases to be laid upon them?

     These are questions Miss Warren refuses to answer, as have all socialists throughout history. “The rich” proves to be an expanding category. It creeps steadily toward you and me as the State discovers that it “needs more money.” As for the behavioral changes “the rich” would adopt in the face of sharply increased taxation, discussing those is anathema to anyone on the Left. Leftists hate to ponder incentive effects and their operation in a dynamic system. They prefer a static picture of the world, in which “the rich” simply have to hold still and take whatever reaming they’ve “got coming.”

     If you’re thinking about emigration restrictions and anti-capital-flight legislation, you’re not alone.


     So Elizabeth Warren’s “Medicare for all” claims differ not at all from any other proposition about socializing medicine (or anything else). Either the costs Americans would bear would increase, or the availability of medical care would sink toward the levels that are currently costing lives and lifespans in every nation that’s adopted such a scheme. And you don’t need numbers to demonstrate it.

     Ultimately, the laws of economics will prevail over all political attempts to repeal or modify them. Whenever Smith wants something that he must purchase from Jones, the laws of supply and demand, in particular, will dictate the course of events. The costs – in money, time, pain and suffering, quality of products and services, and quality of life – cannot be lowered by waving a government wand. There’s no hiding them...nor is it possible to hide from them.

Monday, February 4, 2019

Who Was Gramsci? - Part 1

From Wikipedia:

     The man pictured above is Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist, who died at age 46, in 1937. His influence on current Leftist thought cannot be underestimated. His central concepts, however important to the Left that they are, are a complex and mind-boggling twisted mass that resists untangling.

     OK, this next part will seem baffling and obtuse (Seem? Hell, it IS), so don’t bog down in it. FWIW, I’ve asked every Leftist I’ve ever met (and, that is a LOT) to explain Gramsci. NONE of them were able to - the central tenets of their Leftist Prophet were a Hot Mess, even to them.

     It’s as though a Lutheran tried to explain Sola Scriptura to you, but fumbled around with the idea, before simply repeating the initial jargon. That’s what Leftists do with Cultural and Political Hegemony. So, don’t expect this to make sense in the Real World.

     Ready?

     From Wikipedia:

     Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class – the bourgeoisie – use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies. The bourgeoisie, in Gramsci's view, develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. Hegemonic culture propagates its own values and norms so that they become the "common sense" values of all and thus maintain the status quo. Hegemonic power is therefore used to maintain consent to the capitalist order, rather than coercive power using force to maintain order. This cultural hegemony is produced and reproduced by the dominant class through the institutions that form the superstructure.

     I’ve been around those who toss off that term - hegemony - for decades, and it still seems a lot like mumbo-jumbo to me. However, here’s MY understanding - hegemony encompasses the various mechanisms by which a social class is said to make other classes conform to their norms; the point of their doing so is to keep themselves in power. It is because of that belief that the Leftists are so over-the-top about assimilation. They think accommodation to a standard is horrible, because it will naturally keep other classes from gaining power.

     Because those other classes will have to give up an essential piece of their soul (well, they don’t believe in souls, but…) to gain power. The idea that someone can work with the standard, and yet retain facets of their original culture/class is impossible, according to the Leftists.

     I guess they haven’t known many actual immigrants or class-changers. Which I have. It can be done, and, no, you are still you. You can even keep using the “Old Language”, if you want. You just have to agree that the standard for communication with any NOT of your language group will be the New Language.

     The same with customs, foods, and family structure. Life being what it is, over time, the unique features begin to blend with other cultures/classes, and we eventually arrive at what one of those old Sci-Fi guys called the Galactic Standard language and culture.

     I have to wonder whether Gramsci resisted that blending, in part, as he was Italian-born to an ethnically Albanian father. His mother was Sardinian.

     He was sickly, with a deformed spine from TB (Potts Disease) - it afflicts those who have it with something that looks like a hunchback. His studies were in linguistics, a field that, for some unknown reason, later attracted other Leftists, such as Noam Chomsky. During those years, the Trade Union movement was active, as were Socialists. He joined the Italian Socialist Party.

     He left school at 24, for lack of money. He wrote for Socialist newspapers, and eventually, after the Italian government cracked down on Socialists in August 1917, held leadership positions when other leaders were arrested. Keep in mind that ALL international Socialist societies/parties were following the same script.

     By 1919, the Italian Socialists had affiliated with the Bolsheviks Third Internationale, headed by Lenin. In other words, Moscow and the Soviets controlled them. Gramsci advocated for workers councils, which he’d had experience with in the Turin workers strikes. However, he was in the minority in that support, and in 1921, he worked with his rival for power, Bordiga, to move to Lenin-style Communism in the Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista d'Italia – PCI).

     Hang in there. This is background, and it will later be important for understanding the development of Gramsci’s philosophy.

     Gramsci traveled to Russia as a representative of the PCI, where he met his wife, Julia Schucht, a violinist. He had two sons with her. He left before seeing his 2nd child, when the Soviet government sent him back to Italy with instructions to form an alliance of Leftists against Fascism. From 1922 through 1923, Mussolini fought against the Communists, and eventually, most of the leadership of the PCI was arrested. But not Gramsci - not at that point.

     Gramsci traveled back and forth to Moscow. When in Italy, he worked to get the PCI growing, and its newspaper stabilized. By 1926, he was arrested, despite being a member of the government; there may have been an attempt on Mussolini’s life, and that was used to justify jailing rival parties.

     He was in jail for 11 years, and, as he was crippled and sick, became desperately ill. He died just 6 days after he was to have been released, on April 27, 1937.

     His Prison Notebooks extensively laid out his philosophy, and form the basis for much of modern Leftist thought. I’ve been in MANY college classes where they STILL refer to Cultural Hegemony, with that rapt look that Muslims get when they refer to The Prophet (PBUH, as they say). His writings are treated in nearly that same way as is Holy Writ.

     Some of the concepts below were developed from his study of Marxist philosophy. Some of them were based on his own conceptual thinking. All of them form the basis for understanding Gramsci. This part comes from The Sources for Gramsci’s Concept of Hegemony Derek Boothman, in Rethinking Marxism, and I will use short quotes from it to explain hegemony.

     Major Concepts, with Brief Descriptions

     Cultural Hegemony:

     Hegemony was a term quite popular in Turin Socialist circles. It referred, at that time, to the linguistic differences in Venice, compared to nearby kingdoms with which they traded. Venice was a hotly sought property, and the many nearby cultures vied to gain some control over nearby islands. At that time, Italian dialects were highly regional, and Italians from one part of Italy could barely understand another.

     Due, in large part, to Venice’s dominance in trade, a kind of pan-Italian language and culture had spread through the Adriatic. The Venetian dialect functioned as a lingua franca for the region. Naturally, this caused competing dialects to become furiously angry at the Venetians, and vow to find a way to put their language dialect on top.

     From the paper cited above:

     “This concept, stemming from ancient Greece, of hegemony as the system of power relations between competing*/or between dominant and vassal*/states is found in the Notebooks in sections, for example, on how U.S. power was created (Q2§16; Gramsci 1992, 260!/5) and on the history of subaltern states explained by that of hegemonic ones (Q15§5; Gramsci 1995, 222!/3).”

     This concept was not unique to Gramsci - it had been floating around for a while. Again, another quote makes that clear:

     “ Lenin who, as a theoretician, had on ‘‘the terrain of political organization and struggle, and with political terminology ... reappraised the front of cultural struggle and constructed the doctrine of hegemony as a complement to the theory of the State-as-force and as a contemporary form of the 1848 doctrine of ‘permanent revolution’’ (Q10I§12; Gramsci 1995, 357). In other words, the leadership of the proletarian forces had to be developed independently on all fronts ‘‘in opposition to the various tendencies of ‘economism.’’

     Bold-face is mine. In other words, it is not enough to rule over you (State-as-force), nor to impose Permanent Revolution. According to the doctrine of hegemony, the Leftists have to stamp out every trace of you that is NOT revolutionary, or revolution-approved. You are being formed into New Man, if necessary, against your will.

     And, lastly, hegemony must be understood as a deliberate elimination of a culture - in effect, cultural genocide. The children of that culture must be forcibly educated to look upon the mores and values of their parents and family as, not just old-fashioned, but actually abhorrent and disgusting.

     “ The peasantry was therefore simultaneously both the object of struggle and an essential ally; the two aspects*/dominance and leadership, involving force and consent, respectively*/that for Gramsci were to characterize hegemony are thus present.”

     Civil Society:

     This is the society that operates on a consensus model. Here is a further analysis of it - actually explained fairly well, although with the usual murky handwavium (That’s when you fudge the details, blithely waving your hands and saying, “Well, this will all be explained in detail later.”).

     It does help if you think of this as neighborhoods/communities, where emphasis is placed on ‘getting along’. I’ll discuss the seamy underside of the Consensus Model later - and how it is being put into practice in schools and community organizations.

     Structure/Superstructure Complex:

     Marx wrote about the Superstructure, what we would call the entertwined aspects of properties, communities, businesses, and political framework that form Western Capitalism. That physical and legal structure, along with the culture that supported it, form the Superstructure.

     The State:

     The part of the structure that uses coercion to get their way. This is bad, if they are Pre-Revolutionary. This is good if they are Post-Revolutionary.

     Intellectuals:

     These are the people, properly trained to reflect the “right” ideology, who will, with the proletariat, rule over this New Society.

     That’s the major part of the background of Gramscian Thinking. It’s foundational to all Leftist thought - they can all parrot the right phrases, echo the right concepts, based on this. I leave you with one last quote, from Marxist.org:

     According to Gramsci, hegemony (“predominance by consent”) is a condition in which a fundamental class exercises a political, intellectual, and moral role of leadership within a hegemonic system cemented by a common world-view or “organic ideology.” The exercise of this role on the ethico-political as well as on the economic plane involves the execution of a process of intellectual and moral reform through which there is a “transformation” of the previous ideological terrain and a “redefinition” of hegemonic structures and institutions into a new form. This transformation and redefinition is achieved through a rearticulation of ideological elements into a new world-view which then serves as the unifying principle for a new “collective will.” Indeed, it is this new world view, which unifies classes into a new hegemonic bloc, which constitutes the new organic ideology of the new hegemonic class and system. Yet it is not a world-view imposed, as a class ideology (in the reductionist sense,) by the new hegemonic class upon the subaltern group. Moreover, in the transformation of the ideological terrain there is no complete replacement of the previously dominant world view. Rather, the “new” world view is “created” or “moulded” by the aspiring hegemonic class and its consensual subalterns out of the existing ideological elements held by the latter in their discourses.

     Translation: We are GOING TO indoctrinate your children, and they WILL view the world through our distorted lenses.

     This is by no means a complete examination of Gramsci. I am posting it merely to get the initial document out there, and - through revisions - improve and refine it. There will be a Part 2, although that may have to wait another couple of weeks.

Tuesday, December 18, 2018

Quickies: What To Expect From A Socialist

     Some of it, of course, is utterly obvious. Consider this old saying:

     Capitalism and Communism stand at opposite poles. Their essential difference is this: The communist, seeing the rich man and his fine home, says: "No man should have so much." The capitalist, seeing the same thing, says: "All men should have as much." – Phelps Adams

     And of course, if the socialist gets power, pretty soon he’ll get his wish – whereas the capitalist knows that only damned hard work prolonged over decades can get a people closer to his wish.

     But socialists have another common failing: they’re masively vindictive and lack any semblance of moral scruple:

     The office of Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders is being accused of wielding its political power in order to seek retribution against a Vermont business owner who ran an ad attacking Sanders over his hypocrisy.

     Rodolphe “Skip” Vallee, the CEO of St. Albans-based gasoline distributor and retailer R.L. Vallee, is alleging that Sanders and his senior press adviser, Daniel McLean, conspired against the business owner by drumming up a class-action lawsuit, according to federal court documents.

     Vallee, who owns more than 45 gas stations in and around Vermont, produced an anti-Sanders television advertisement that aired locally in September 2014. The advertisement criticized Sanders for lambasting “the rich” over receiving tax breaks and golden parachutes, while his wife Jane Sanders received a $200,000 golden parachute after her involvement in a land deal helped to bankrupt Burlington College while she was president.

     Please read it all. This is a case worth watching, and not only for what one could expect of a President Bernie Sanders.

Monday, October 15, 2018

Social Justice, Social Democracy, Democratic Socialism...?

     It’s been said, and truly, that to insert the word or particle social into a phrase negates its prior meaning. Now that averred socialists are a conspicuous element of our political fracas, it’s time to examine the contention closely. When you start to unpack a political nostrum, you can never be perfectly sure what you’re going to find.


1. “Social Justice”

     This au courant phrase has been applied to innumerable political and quasi-political causes. Every such case alleges that one group has violated the rights of another. But how could such a claim accord with objective reality?

     Groups do not possess rights. That’s an American fundamental. Neither, it can easily be observed, does a group ever do anything; all actual deeds are done by individuals. So we must begin by asking how the concepts of rights and justice could ever apply to “group rights” or “group action.”

     The essence of the “social justice warrior’s” allegation is always statistical. Some demographic exhibits a statistical characteristic the SJW uses to claim “systematized injustice.” Here’s a ludicrous example: Dwarves are under-represented in American legislatures! Going entirely by the statistics, by now several dwarves should have been elected to federal or state legislative positions. Therefore there has been a systematic exclusion of dwarves from legislative office. We must act at once to redress this injustice; there’s no time to lose!

     The non sequitur here is the notion that a particular cohort “should” be statistically represented in some other cohort, regardless of any other facts of the matter. In the case above, the question that would put paid to the idiocy is “How many times has a dwarf run for a legislative office?” Similarly dispositive questions can be asked of virtually any other assertion made in the name of “social justice.”


2. “Social Democracy”

     The term social democracy is often used to describe various European nations. The underlying intent is to feature such a nation’s welfare-state / “social insurance” provisions as a key part of its political arrangements. While this term is less dishonest than “social justice,” it nevertheless conceals certain important aspects of the situations it purports to characterize.

     To call a polity a “social democracy” is to distort the meaning of democracy in a tendentious fashion. Many such nations are notable for how resistant their arrangements are to alteration by popular vote. The recent case of the “Brexit,” Britons’ referendum against the European Union is especially revealing. The heavy majority in favor of leaving the EU has displeased the United Kingdom’s political class. Were the politicians to get their way, the referendum would either be ignored or repeated until it produced a “remain” result – after which no further popular voting on the subject would be allowed.

     In a “social democracy,” “democracy,” whether in the pure or modified sense, is not allowed to interfere with the “social” agenda of the political class. “Social” in this application denotes a rationale for an agenda, rather than a reified actuality. That agenda may have originated with the general public, but once the political elite have found a way to exploit it, the public had better not change its mind! The parallels with the American political class’s dislike of and resistance to the Trump Administration’s agenda deserve reflection.


3. “Democratic Socialism.”

     Whereas in a “social democracy” the political class must exercise cleverness and evasive maneuvers to avert changes demanded by the general public, the political elite of a democratic socialism need do far less. In such an order, the political class is in irrevocable control of all the levers of power. “Democracy” has been tamed, with the franchise limited, the ballot restricted, and the focus of “elections” narrowed so that a popular mandate sufficiently vigorous to effectuate alterations can never occur. Populist candidates willing to make significant changes to the political order are prevented from running, or marginalized so that they cannot prevail. An effective initiative or referendum cannot occur. The will of the political class is beyond challenge.

     No “social democracy” has long resisted the descent into recognizable oligarchy. For the public to vote the “social democrats” into power is to surrender, de facto, all further voice in the nation’s political order. In Thomas Sowell’s formulation, it amounts to “One man, one vote – one time.”

     Socialist candidates use the term “social democracy” as an aid to the concealment of their actual intentions. That alone should disqualify it from use by the wise and honest.


4. Summation

     The following cartoon from Crozier and Seldon’s Socialism: The Grand Delusion summarizes the points above rather neatly:

     Do not doubt that this is the goal of the “social justice,” “social democracy,” and “democratic socialism” hucksters. The process is always characterized as undertaken with impeccable motives and “for the good of society.” It always eventuates in totalitarian control of the nation and the suppression of dissident views. The many historical examples of this are enough to convince anyone...except, of course, those to whom power is everything and “social” is merely decoration intended to deflect public attention from their true motives.

Tuesday, July 10, 2018

“But This Time It Will Work!”

     Kurt Schlichter has penned a bitingly funny column about the Democrats’ embrace of socialism. As usual, it’s worth your time. However, Schlichter is largely in the business of entertaining (not preaching to) the choir. If our fellow Americans are to be defended against the further incursion of socialism into our polity, a more sober, factual, and analytical approach is needed.

     And who would better craft a sober, meticulously factual and rigorously analytical approach to socialism than your not particularly humble Curmudgeon?


     The empirical evidence against socialism is devastating...which is why the advocates of socialism regularly protest that “that wasn’t real socialism.” When asked to cite a successful socialist economy, they hem and haw. Some point haltingly and with obvious reluctance at the Scandinavian welfare states. Yet all of those have steadily backed away from their march toward socialism over the last two decades. A stable and prosperous socialist nation in which there is no forcible repression of dissidents does not exist anywhere on Earth, and never has.

     But advocates of socialism have their own version of the old trial lawyer’s maxim. You remember that one, don’t you, Gentle Reader?

  1. When the facts are against you, pound the law.
  2. When the law is against you, pound the facts.
  3. When both are against you, pound the table.

     With socialists, it goes like this:

  1. When the theory fails, argue for the practice.
  2. When the practice fails, argue for the theory.
  3. When both fail, call your opponent a tool of the plutocrats and an enemy of the proletariat.

     A fair number of socialist flacksters have plumped for method #3 above, but the ones more apt to receive respectful attention – from the major media, at least – distance themselves from the practical examples of socialist states and emphasize socialist theory. In doing so, they gloss over the nuts and bolts of the theory in favor of promises that “we know how to make it work now:” essentially an ad hominem against all those who’ve saddled other nations with socialist regimes and have brought them to ruin.

     So the theory is what will receive my attention today.


     Socialist theory rests on two premises:

  1. The Objective Theory of Value
  2. The Theory of Surplus Value (specifically, in capitalist systems of production).

     The second of those premises requires the first one, but let’s examine them one at a time.

     The Objective Theory of Value holds that the value of a product or a service is objective -- that is, inherent in the thing itself. For example: a man makes a chair out of wood he possesses. That chair, according to the Objective Theory of Value, has an inherent, objective value that derives from the materials used to make it and the labor the maker invested in it. In socialist principle, that value is measurable in monetary terms. Therefore, anyone who seeks to buy the chair “should” expect to pay the monetary measure of its inherent, objective value. To contrive somehow to pay less would be to rob the maker.

     The planners of a socialist economy devote a great percentage of their efforts to determining those values. The result is always a shortage of what their subjects really want and a surplus of what they don’t. Why?

     It would be flip simply to say that the Objective Theory of Value is wrong. That’s what we would naturally conclude from the experiences of socialist nations. But it remains important that one be capable of taking an analytical approach to the matter.

     There are several refutations to the theory. The simplest is the regression to elements. The value of the chair derives from the materials and labor, you say? But that implies that the materials and labor have objective values of their own. What if we were to separate those things? Would they still possess the same values standing apart from all else? The question is unanswerable.

     Additionally, we may ask: What if the same materials and the same quantity of labor were put to making something else – perhaps a mass of toothpicks? Would those toothpicks, in aggregate, possess the same objective value as the chair, even if there were no demand for them? Why? That question is equally unanswerable.

     Regression to elements is particularly devastating when it’s applied to services. Here’s an example: If there are exactly as many service providers – doctors; carpenters; ditch diggers; it doesn’t matter – as are required to provide all the services required at a given time, what is the objective value of the services of one additional provider? No one needs his labor or whatever it might accomplish, so how can it have an inherent, objective value? That question is also unanswerable.

     From the above, it becomes clear why socialism requires a command economy in which central planners decree how much of what shall be produced, who shall produce it, and at what monetary price it shall be sold. Coercion by the State is required to keep such a system in place. Absent such coercion, workers would produce what they thought they could sell at a profit, or would sell their labor to an enterprise whose executives would make such decisions (and do the work of marketing and distribution) for them. Purchasers would buy the goods and services they wanted, at prices set by the forces of supply and demand. Notions of objective value have no place in such a scheme...just as freedom of choice has no place in a socialist system.


     But let’s imagine that the Objective Theory of Value has somehow been vindicated, and pass on to the Theory of Surplus Value, which requires it. This is the core of Karl Marx’s attack on capitalism, and so requires a proper refutation.

     The Theory of Surplus Value holds that if a capitalist employer succeeds in selling a product produced by his workers at a profit – that is, at a price greater than the total cost of the labor and materials that went into it – that profit is actually surplus value invested in the product by his workers, and rightfully belongs to them. In Marx’s theory, his profit expresses the difference between what he pays the workers and the true, objective value of their labor.

     One can easily see the gaping holes in this notion. The employer must labor as well, mustn’t he? He must seek out markets for the product, must make deals with middlemen-distributors and retailers, must determine the appropriate rate of production, must provide any capital equipment his workers need, and must contrive to withstand market fluctuations, when production outpaces demand for the product. Perhaps more important than all of that taken together, he must conceive of the product, its most important characteristics, and how it would satisfy some need or desire felt by prospective purchasers. Such insight is required even by entrepreneurs who enter a field that already exists: making chairs, perhaps. If the employer’s workers’ labor has inherent, objective value, surely his does as well!

     The considerations above disappear only when every worker works entirely for himself: an impossible condition in an economy even slightly removed from the primitive hunter-gatherer condition of our Neanderthal ancestors. When they’re admitted and addressed, they introduce the problem of determining the inherent, objective value of the employer’s labor: a problem that can only be solved by recourse to the forces of supply and demand.


     Because socialist theory is so easily holed, contemporary socialists tend to avert such considerations, dismissing them as “vulgar Marxism.” They prefer to speak of other things. For example, they point to the common facilities whose production and maintenance we of the West have traditionally delegated to governments: roads, bridges, dams, armies, and the like. These, the socialist flackster will assert, are just as much socialist undertakings as anything else we might “choose to do together.” So you see, socialism can work!

     Three-Card Monte hucksters are more honest than that.

     Whenever an undertaking is delegated to a government, we must make certain sacrifices for the purpose:

  • First, we must surrender our freedom of choice about the facility that will be produced and what ultimate characteristics it will have.
  • Second, we must surrender all authority over that facility to the State.
  • Third, we must accept that there will be “free riders” who will get to use the facility without paying for it.
  • Fourth, we must accept that it will be produced, operated, and maintained inefficiently.

     The above are the reasons why free societies are extremely judicious about what facilities they’ll permit the State to build. Specifically, it is rational to permit the State to build and manage only those facilities:

  • That inherently manifest externalities: i.e., free riders will be able to use them without paying for them;
  • That have an overhead character: i.e., they’re neither capital nor consumer goods, but rather exist out of unavoidable necessity.

     The roads are a good example. The earliest roads produced in North America were privately planned, fabricated, and owned. They were about as good as any roads could be in that time frame. However, those who produced and maintained them eventually lost interest in doing so, specifically because of the free-rider problem. The road could not be made to return revenues that would meet its cost of operation, much less its cost of production.

     Along with that, a road is an overhead. We don’t build a road because we want it for its own sake – i.e., it’s not a consumer good – nor for its ability to help us produce something else – i.e., it’s not a capital good. We build roads because they’re necessary if we want to get around at an adequate speed and in adequate safety, conditions of vital importance to a society with a division-of-labor economy.

     The combination of externalities with overhead character renders the thing a public good: one that can justifiably be placed under the aegis of the State. Because we give the responsibility for producing them to the State, we must accept government authority over them and government-level degrees of inefficiencies and waste in their production, operation, and maintenance.

     Anarchist theorists have opined that even public goods can and should be produced by private operators for private reasons. There have been a few cases where that has occurred – there are a few privately-operated roads in the U.S., for example – but the societies of the West have almost uniformly preferred to leave such things to governments, despite the one-size-must-fit-all nature of the product and the inefficiencies and waste State action always incurs.


     “But this time will be different,” the socialist flackster protests. “Now we know how to make it work!” As Kurt Schlichter points out indirectly in his column, socialism can “work” if what one means by “work” is sufficiently evil:

     Socialism is about taking your stuff and your freedom and killing you if you complain. They try to pass it off as just Liberalism 2.0, but then you usually don’t call something by a name unless you mean it. If they don’t mean “socialism,” why do they call themselves “socialists?”...

     You see, socialism is the doctrine that people like you and I get to slave away for the benefit of the people those in charge decide are worthy – especially those in charge. Do you think when there’s socialized medicine you’ll find yourself on a six-month waiting list to get a wisdom tooth pulled next to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or any other bigwig?...

     Socialism means what’s theirs is theirs and so is what’s yours. Our private property – what we have worked for and accumulated over decades – is no longer ours. It’s theirs, to be done with – to be redistributed – as those in power wish. And if you object, they will send people with guns to make you comply.

     In practice, socialism invests the masters of the State with absolute power, which they use to become rich while those under their hand are impoverished. If that’s the outcome you want, then yes, socialism can “work.”

     But don’t expect Bernie Sanders, Tom Perez, or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to admit that that’s what they mean when they wax lyrical about the glorious socialist future. They’ll just call you a capitalist tool, and talk about some good your sweat must fund so they can provide it gratis to others who’ll vote for them. All in the name of the common good, of course.

Saturday, June 30, 2018

Quickies: Socialists’ Habitual Defense

     American socialists have been in the news recently, starting with the 2016 presidential campaign of U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT). Socialists have quite a lot in common, even apart from their political stances. For one thing, with only the rarest of exceptions they never, ever accept responsibility for anything. Indeed, the characteristic is so common among them that it constitutes a marker by which to detect them...and if you’re smart, to avoid them.

     Every socialist state known to history has become a police state with a failing economy. Most of them have erected stiff border controls – to keep their subjects in. And nearly all of them have had dictators who got filthy rich even as their victims starved. But when asked to explain their failure to deliver on their promises, the answer is always “our enemies.”

     This is socialism’s pet devil theory. It has to work, you see. It’s scientific. Marx proved it in Das Kapital. So if it’s not working, that must be because it’s being undermined by its enemies. Find them and shoot them, and all will be well!

     (Do you remember Hitler’s “stab in the back” rhetoric during his rise to power? How Germany would bestride the world if not for the perfidy of its “enemies?” Me too.)

     You can only hear that defense two or three times before you begin to wonder whether somebody’s trying to hide something. Maybe a desire for absolute power. The ability to command the population and resources of an entire nation, to reward one’s friends and punish one’s enemies, and to liquidate anyone who dares to notice.

     The closest the U.S. has come to a socialist regime was the Obama Interregnum. Obama couldn’t get too close; he never had the necessary degree of control over Congress. But the measures he emphasized bore the socialist hallmark. The ones he succeeded in enacting hogtied the American economy. He was remorseless about rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies, too; he spoke openly about it.

     The Obama years are behind us now, thank God. You’d think people would have drawn the moral, especially as President Trump’s diametrically opposed policies almost immediate restored our economic vitality. But no: a substantial number of Americans of supposedly sound mind maintain that Obama was right – that the only reason his policies seemed to fail was the concentrated efforts of his enemies, who were determined to make them fail.

     It should have been an incontestable lesson about the natural limits to the power of the State. (Then again, so should North Korea, Cuba, and Venezuela.) But folks in Queens have just promoted an openly averred socialist as their candidate for their Congressional representative. Queens! The borough that produced Donald Trump! Were the voters who pulled the lever for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez the products of “public” education? Or did they come out of the sort of “red diaper” upbringing of which Peter Collier and David Horowitz wrote?

     It makes you wonder, not only about the limits to the power of the State, but about the power of socialism’s strange, well cloaked and seemingly invincible “enemies.” At least, it should.

Friday, March 9, 2018

The Heartbreak Of Socialism

     (Not to be confused with its predecessor, “the heartbreak of psoriasis.”)

     According to her Washington Post online resume:

     Elizabeth [Breunig] grew up in Texas, graduated from Brandeis with honors in 2013 and attended the University of Cambridge as a Marshall Scholar, where she earned her master’s in Christian theology. She joined the New Republic in 2015 as a staff writer, and in early 2016, she became an assistant editor for The Post’s Outlook section, commissioning and editing thoughtful stories on big ideas. Elizabeth lives in Washington D.C. with her husband Matt and her daughter Jane.

     Given that graduation date and her youthful appearance, she’s young: possibly no more than thirty. Given the sentiments she expresses in this article:

     In the United States, we’ve arrived at a pair of mutually exclusive convictions: that liberal, capitalist democracies are guaranteed by their nature to succeed and that in our Trumpist moment they seem to be failing in deeply unsettling ways. For liberals — and by this I mean inheritors of the long liberal tradition, not specifically those who might also be called progressives — efforts to square these two notions have typically combined expressions of high anxiety with reassurances that, if we only have the right attitude, everything will set itself aright.

     Hanging on and hoping for the best is certainly one approach to rescuing the best of liberalism from its discontents, but my answer is admittedly more ambitious: It’s time to give socialism a try.

     ...she’s not yet terribly well acquainted with reality. But then, the young haven’t had that much of an opportunity to learn, and young women who’ve gone directly from a contemporary university to writing op-ed for left-wing publications have had less than their coevals. Possibly none at all.

     The esteemed Mike Hendrix has disemboweled that essay, as have others in the Dextrospheric Commentariat. I’m not here to do that. Rather, I intend to use it to address a perennial political folly: how it begins, how it evolves, how it dissolves...and the causticity of the dissolution products.


     “Ignorance is of a peculiar nature; once dispelled, it is impossible to reestablish it. It is not originally a thing of itself, but is only the absence of knowledge; and though man may be kept ignorant, he cannot be made ignorant.” – Thomas Paine

     The C.S.O. has a theory that one can’t really lie to oneself – that at some level of the mind one knows the truth, however unpleasant, despite all attempts to evade it. She might be right; I can’t really say. But after watching the process at close range for many years, I can say how one comes to believe a pretty lie. The lie of interest today is, of course, socialism.

     First and foremost, as the Paine quote above says, one cannot be made to accept a falsehood, however attractive, if one is already in possession of a countervailing truth, properly supported by evidence. Mind you, one can be coerced into parroting a lie, as many subjects of totalitarian dictatorships can testify. But to make one sincerely believe in a lie, once he has been acquainted with the truth via sound reasoning and evidence, is impossible.

     Thus, socialism, like other political phantasms, must be nurtured in the young and untutored. Concurrently, their “instructors” must contrive to insulate them from countervailing thinking and evidence. Often, subsidiary falsehoods – e.g., about what the conditions of life “really” were in the Soviet Union – are required, just as the proofs of many important theorems in geometry require that certain “lemmas” be proved first. But above all else, the young target must be screened against “ugly little facts” if he is to become a “true believer.”


     There is always an easy solution to every human problem - neat, plausible, and wrong. – H. L. Mencken

     Second, but more or less concurrent with the above, the young target must be persuaded to view public affairs as a study in “problems” and “solutions.” In other words, the mindset of mathematics must be superimposed upon social, economic, and political conditions. Disliked conditions must be characterized as “problems” to be addressed. Consideration of whether those conditions are inherent in the nature of Man is to be discouraged. And of course, where there are “problems,” the young target must be conditioned to demand “solutions.”

     For example, consider human inequality. This is so basic a matter as to admit of no discussion. No two individuals are equal in any objective sense; how could we expect their achievements and attainments to be equal? Yet the young target will be encouraged to see inequality, especially economic inequality, as a “problem” that must be “solved.” His mentor must see to it that his passions are linked to the “problems” he sees, such that “solving” them becomes a matter of personal emotional fulfillment.

     The young target who invests emotionally in this fashion comes to identify with the “problem” and the need for a “solution.” That is, his sense of self-worth becomes bound to it; it becomes his Cause. The attachment will constitute a source of moral self-elevation. It cannot be severed without damaging his opinion of himself, which of course he will protect most devotedly.


     “Under capitalism, man exploits man; while under socialism just the reverse is true.” – John Kenneth Galbraith

     Third, the young target must be persuaded to believe that the “solutions” to the “problems” he has been taught to see all inhere in socialism: the expropriation of the “propertied class” and the “bourgeoisie,” such that “the workers” can thence direct the “means of production” to their own advantage. Note that the mental conditions imposed upon him in the previous two segments are indispensable to this:

  • The target has not learned about the history of socialist systems and their demises.
  • He now thinks of economic inequality as a “problem” that demands a “solution.”
  • He has invested his passion in the matter, such that whatever “solution” presents itself will acquire his passionate allegiance.
  • Socialism now applies for his allegiance by presenting the “solution” he seeks so ardently.

     If the target’s assumptions about “equality” and “inequality” can be maintained, socialism can be made attractive to him. After all, the expropriations would put “the workers” in charge. There would no longer be a “propertied class” or “bourgeoisie;” all would perforce become “workers.” Thus, equality of control over the “means of production” would have been achieved. “Naturally” that would lead to “equality” of economic outcomes for all the “workers.”

     The target will be taught to dismiss the objections of the more knowledgeable and realistic as “classism:” an understandable attempt to retain a “privileged status.” As that harmonizes with his desire to believe himself morally superior to others, he’ll take to it easily.


     “Do you know why being a revolutionary doesn't work in this country? Being a revolutionary in America is like being a spoil sport at an orgy. All these goodies being passed around and you feel like a shit when you say no.” – cynical ex-revolutionary Howard Eppis in The Big Fix, from Roger Simon’s novel of the same name.

     The decay of socialist affiliation will begin if the target, having lived a bit and learned, as one must if one is to live decently, about human nature and the realities that proceed from it, realizes that socialism is not a “solution” to anything. As it’s a magnet for persons who want power over others, it incorporates dynamics that exacerbate inequality among men while simultaneously impoverishing the great majority and investing the ruthless minority with unbounded and absolute power. There are now two possible courses the no-longer-so-young socialist:

  • He can rationalize it in some fashion, and plot to become one of the “commissars;”
  • He can begin to move away from it.

     To be sure, some American socialists retain their faith in it lifelong. Somehow, they manage never to lose the illusions that underpin that faith. Most, however, eventually learn better. What makes the difference then is the possession of adequate humility. Those who lack it will either remain socialists cosmetically – i.e., in hope of attaining personal status and power after the postulated revolution – or will become cynical, dismissive of all social theories and ideological conceptions as confidence games. Those who possess it will gradually disabuse themselves of socialism’s assumptions as they acquire knowledge and perspective.

     An important contributing factor must be mentioned here: the propensity for envy. We’re all susceptible to envy in some degree; it takes a lot of character always to view others’ advancement over or past oneself without rancor. The envious can sometimes be induced to remain in the socialist fold out of envy, by inducing them to see their envy as a desire for justice: “Why should he have it and you not?” Of course, in this use of the word justice, one can easily see the lineaments of another, less praiseworthy emotion: the desire for revenge.


     “Reason is poor propaganda when opposed by the yammering, unceasing lies of shrewd and evil and self-serving men. The little man has no way to judge and the shoddy lies are packaged more attractively. There is no way to offer color to a colorblind man, nor is there any way for us to give the man of imperfect brain the canny skill to distinguish a lie from a truth.” – Hartley M. “Kettle Belly” Baldwin, from Robert A. Heinlein’s novelette “Gulf”

     It might come to some of his admirers as a surprise, but the young Heinlein held to very different convictions than the later one. The above, from his early novelette “Gulf,” suggests that the young Heinlein would approve of the sort of “organization of supermen” that the quoted character operates. The idea that human society would eventually stratify into a superclass of highly gifted natural rulers and protectors and a subclass whose affairs are to be managed for them can also be found in his novel Beyond This Horizon. As always, the rationale is inevitability:

     'The idea is to skim the cream of the race's germ plasm and keep it biologically separate until the two races are permanently distinct. You chaps sound like a bunch of stinkers. Kettle Belly."
     "Monkey talk."
     "Perhaps. The new race would necessarily run things—"
     "Do you expect New Man to decide grave matters by counting common man's runny noses?"
     "No, that was my point. Postulating such a new race, the result is inevitable. Kettle Belly, I confess to a monkey prejudice in favor of democracy, human dignity, and freedom. It goes beyond logic; it is the kind of a world I like. In my job I have jungled with the outcasts of society, shared their slumgullion. Stupid they may be, bad they are not. I have no wish to see them become domestic animals."
     For the first time the big man showed concern. His persona as "King of the Kopters," master merchandiser, slipped away; he sat in brooding majesty, a lonely and unhappy figure. "I know, Joe. They are of us; their little dignities, their nobilities, are not lessened by their sorry state. Yet it must be."...
     "No, Joe. The gulf between us and them is narrow, but it is very deep. We cannot close it." [Ibid]

     But one who advances such a thesis is highly unlikely to think of himself as belonging to the underclass, his life to be managed by his inherent superiors. Heinlein learned better. To retain their humanity, those who eventually disaffiliate themselves from socialism must do the same. The alternative is a bitter cynicism that leads to the conviction that what matters is power and ruthlessness: the “dog-eat-dog” philosophy of the predator.

     But some socialists never do learn better. Some remain behind a “fact-proof screen” (Eric Hoffer) lifelong. There are many striving to erect such screens and to confine young, idealistic Americans inescapably behind them. And there you have, in a nutshell, the reason the strategists of socialism are so determined to control all the popular conduits of information and opinion...to deny those who differ with them any platform from which to speak.

     I may return to this subject. Watch this space.

Wednesday, September 27, 2017

Embracing The Faith

     The world abounds in ironies. The more striking ones get a lot of air time and column-inches – not because of the irony, but because there are substantial numbers of persons who don’t grasp the ludicrousness of their contentions. Have one on me:

     That some utterance constitutes “hate speech” is, of course, an opinion: the opinion of some hearer who hates what he’s heard. He’s the one doing the hating; it’s an interior experience that he might not share with anyone. Therefore, given an agreeable hearer, nothing is hate speech, whereas given an adversarial hearer, everything is! Quelle merveille!

     But that’s just an example. The specific irony I have in mind pertains to faith. As an open, avowed Catholic Christian, I’m often confronted by persons who demand to know “how someone as smart as you could believe something so ridiculous.” (There are also persons who don’t know that I’m a believer and walk into a minefield by denigrating someone else’s faith, but let’s leave that to one side for the morning.) My habitual reply is “I find the evidence persuasive.” That will often kick off an exchange that goes something like this:

Scoffer: Evidence? What evidence?
FWP: Classical history, both sacred and secular, about the Crucifixion and Resurrection of Jesus Christ, and the lives of His Apostles in the following years.

Scoffer: Oh, come on. No one’s ever risen from the dead.
FWP: You know this from personal experience?

Scoffer: Well, it’s obviously impossible!
FWP: What you mean by “impossible,” sir, is that you haven’t seen it with your own eyes and therefore don’t believe that it’s possible. That’s what we call the “black swan” fallacy.

Scoffer: But you can’t prove it happened.
FWP: Nor can you prove that it didn’t. However, there are multiple, mutually confirming eyewitness accounts that Jesus was crucified and was seen and heard by living men three days later. You can reject those accounts as fabrications if you like. I’ve decided to accept them as veridical.

     There’s little to be said beyond that. However, in one memorable encounter, an interrogator proceeded to demand that I “present the evidence” for his consideration. I laughed. “You’ve derided me for my faith, and now you want me to educate you?” I shook my head at this species of arrogance, previously unknown to me, and walked away.

     Now, a Christian believer – i.e., one who accepts the Resurrection and its implications – has the advantage of innocence. That is, nothing Christ exhorted His followers to do is noxious toward others. His preachments were entirely wholesome. But there are faiths of which that cannot be said: faiths that require the believer to reject the countervailing evidence, and to impose that requirement on everyone else. Socialism is one such faith. How one comes to accept that faith, and how he defends it afterward, is my subject for today.


     Girls, hold on to your boyfriends: the socialist believer might have reached the faith through a rational process. The operation of human reason depends upon one’s choice of premises and the availability of relevant information. The contamination of either of those things can produce fatal conclusions from an impeccably rational process. And yes: there are socialist evangelists who specialize in propagating that faith by effectuating such contaminations...usually, upon the naive and the untutored.

     Of greater interest is the path of utility. The socialist believer might embrace his faith because he sees in it a path to something he greatly desires. That might be wealth, or power, or a great and loyal following. Many would argue that such a believer is insincere, and the charge cannot be denied. However, such believers tend to be dedicated evangelists for their faith. They give their outreach efforts everything they’ve got. That intensity alone is sufficient to win them an appalling number of converts.

     Another route toward the socialist faith is the conviction that capitalism has injured oneself, or persons or things one loves. That path is common to several subvarieties of socialist believers. The environmentalists are particularly notable. During the Thirties, Comintern agents in the U.S. entreated Negro ghettoes by arguing that American capitalism was “holding them down.” It proved a fruitful approach, one that might be on the march among American Negroes again today.

     Finally for today – and I’ll allow that this might be merely a subvariety of the paths above – a believer might embrace socialism to gain admittance to a welcoming social circle. This is common on university campuses, especially among socially awkward young men who’ve had a hard time “scoring” with the young women around them. Sly socialist promoters will often use sexual access as a lure for such men. It works on an embarrassing percentage of the targets.

     Once the socialist faith has been accepted, how it’s defended when questioned becomes the topic of interest – and here the ironies truly abound.


     The “rational socialist,” whose premises or knowledge (or both) are faulty, will come across persons who dispute his premises or his assertions of historical fact. That renders intelligent argument impossible. Two persons who disagree on what has already happened will reach opposed conclusions that cannot be harmonized without first correcting one or the other’s claims of fact. However, this sort of clash can have a positive outcome, if the “rational” socialist isn’t so personally invested in his convictions that he’d reject your presentations of contrary evidence. Of course, if their premises differ, the clash is irresolvable.

     The “socialist for gain” is a tougher case, for his socialism is founded on profit for himself: something that socialism does offer to its commissars. As we tend to project our morals and ethics onto others, he’s likely to assume that you want something for yourself, and that your opposition to socialism is part of how you plan to get it. That will predispose him against you – brace yourself – on ethical grounds.

     The “socialist for The Cause” is uninterested in arguing about socialism. Why should he? It’s just an instrument for protecting or advancing his Cause. Only if he were to be convinced that socialism would harm his Cause would he turn away from it – and though with most wholesome causes this is indeed the case, he’ll seldom accept your arguments as sincere. Instead he’ll tell himself that you have another agenda, and that his Cause is only an impediment to it.

     Finally, the “socialist for the girls” cannot be reached at all...unless you’re a stunning capitalist true believer of low morals, ready and willing to prostitute yourself for the sake of defeating the socialist menace. How many of those are there, really?


     Of course, in our day, argument between Left and Right over any particular issue is nearly pointless. Neither side is willing to concede the other’s wholesomeness of motives or sincerity in argument. Yet an understanding of the paths by which those who disagree with us attain and defend their convictions can be very useful: it can illuminate our own rational and emotional weaknesses. For conservatives and libertarians have also held dubious positions, have proclaimed them with apostolic fervor, and have denounced others who dare to differ with us. The outer mistakes in those positions are of less moment than the inner one: holding our own convictions to be beyond all dispute.

     That’s where Nazis come from.