Showing posts with label power. Show all posts
Showing posts with label power. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 26, 2026

“While The Balance Of His Mind Was Disturbed”

     Boromir strode up and down, speaking ever more loudly. Almost he seemed to have forgotten Frodo, while his talk dwelt on walls and weapons, and the mustering of men; and he drew plans for great alliances and glorious victories to be; and he cast down Mordor, and became himself a mighty king, benevolent and wise.
     […]
     He rose and passed his hand over his eyes, dashing away the tears. ‘What have I said?’ he cried. ‘What have I done? Frodo, Frodo!’ he called. ‘Come back! A madness took me, but it has passed. Come back!’

     Surely you know where that’s from.

     In that scene, Tolkien exploited the idea that the One Ring could overwhelm those near to it with power-lust. There had to be a flaw in their characters for it to take firm hold, but if the Ring could find such a chink in their moral-ethical armor, lust for it would penetrate and take command of them. In this fashion, Tolkien did several things concurrently:

  1. He displayed Boromir’s pride and ambition;
  2. He depicted the Ring’s technique for corrupting those near it;
  3. Through contrast, he emphasized the character of the other members of the Fellowship.

     Fortunately for us fallible, corruptible mortals, there is no One Ring of Power to tempt us thus. But there are other powers in the world. Any of them could disturb the balance of a mind, given the right circumstances. Some of them even come with rings.

* * *

     The possibility of seizing power over others is irresistible to some. Once they have sensed it, they become fixated on it. Some are consumed by it, such that nothing else in this world matters to them. And as I’ve written on previous occasions, for the worst power-lusters there’s no such thing as enough.

     But there are many situations that involve an inequality of power. Some are transient; others persist. One arises in literally every household into which a child is born.

     It’s never been my lot to have to raise a child from the cradle. Still, I know of some of its aspects. The early months, while the baby is learning to sleep through the night, must be very stressful. For a couple of years at least, parent-to-toddler communication is exceedingly difficult. Then come the Terrible Twos, when Junior decides it’s time to assert himself against parental authority. Those continue roughly until puberty, when adolescent rebellion enters the fray. If you can get the miserable ingrate out from under your roof without having threatened him with death even once, you have earned the Medal of Parental Forbearance, with an “F for Freedom” cluster.

     Given that parents are held to be responsible for their preadolescent children – for their care and feeding, for their supervision, for their education, for any harm they cause, and so forth – while the children are deemed to be free of any responsibility under the law, who has the power in that situation? Who is capable of tormenting whom, and who would be required to bear any consequences for succumbing to it?

     We don’t condone mothers killing their children. It’s not nice. But when the little tyrants start to “pile it on,” fantasies of relief through homicide will sometimes arise. If Mom isn’t quite well – postpartum depression can be a serious condition, especially when there’s no other adult around to help – terrible things can happen. We get the Susan Smiths and the Lindsay Clancies.

     I refuse to excuse women who kill their kids. I’m interested in preventing as many infanticides as possible. And I think that recent trends in economics and family structure have been wholly negative in this regard.

* * *

     The multigenerational household is rare today. There are reasons for that, but among its consequences is that a couple that elects to have kids is frequently – perhaps usually? – without the assistance of the grandparents of those kids. That puts Mom “eyeball to eyeball with a screaming infant” (Robert S. Mendelsohn) ten to sixteen hours of every day for months, perhaps years. It’s got to be hard to take.

     Of at least equal importance is the virtual disappearance of the “neighborhood mothers club.” That was seldom a formal organization with officials and a charter. But when mothers didn’t need to work for wages, they could provide one another with a considerable degree of support in their domestic duties. Even just the ability to chat over the back fence with a kindred soul was worth something to a mother nearing the end of her tether. But the kindred soul isn’t there any more, even if the fence is.

     Add the intense pressures to earn money, the heightened expectations placed upon the families of minor children, the deteriorating social environment, the increasingly competitive nature of child-rearing itself, and fathers who come home more exhausted and more burdened than ever before, and what would be more likely than a rash of infanticides?

     There’s more to the collapse of First World fertility rates than mere self-centeredness.

* * *

     Once more: I will not excuse the murder of children. But we ought to be thinking hard about the vise that’s tightening on parents, especially the newest parents. Their power to manage and improve their situations is close to nil. While it’s not mensurable, the burden children place on their parents appears to be greater than in any previous generation of Americans. They cost more, demand more, and inflict more worries and fears on their parents than previous litters did.

     Parents need help. The best source of such help is other parents, especially other mothers. Yet we have contrived a situation in which that help is nearly absent.

     I don’t like what I foresee.

Sunday, January 25, 2026

The Betrayal Of The Meliorists

     It’s exciting and gratifying to see so many people on X talking about C. S. Lewis’s masterpiece That Hideous Strength. There’s a general sense that the Satanic dystopian England Lewis depicts in his novel is “where we are now” – a sense that is largely correct. But the understanding of why and how we got here / there remains to jell.

     Which of course calls your Curmudgeon into the fray.

* * *

     Time was, there was a movement called “Progressivism.” (Don’t laugh.) It was largely propelled by Christian religious sentiments that had been twisted into political activism – and for that perversion, twisted is exactly the right word. Another word for that movement, one that isn’t heard much today, is meliorism.

     Meliorism is a largely emotional position: the meliorist “wants to make things better.” For whom? Why, for everyone! He loves a particular vision of progress: a vision in which all desires have been satisfied, and all fears have been dispelled.

     Yes, Gentle Reader: meliorism implies a total detachment from reality. But the meliorist doesn’t allow that to trouble him. The vision is all!

     If meliorists weren’t gullible, they might be tolerable. But they are gullible. They’re easily swayed by the promises of politicians. And politicians are willing to promise them anything. (No, they don’t give them Arpege. )

     The politician, by definition, is one who seeks power over others. That and nothing else is what politics is about. What he promises you is not truly his objective. His objective is power. What brings him power, he will promote; what diminishes his power, he will oppose.

     The politician, therefore, must not be assumed a sincere meliorist. But he relies on the support of meliorists to put and keep him in power.

* * *

     Lewis’s nightmare vision of England in That Hideous Strength is premised on popular acceptance based on the unwillingness of ordinary Englishmen to object to melioristic initiatives. The N.I.C.E., a government program, is facially melioristic. In reality, it’s a grab for total power over everyone and everything on Earth.

     Contemporary Britain has some features in common with Lewis’s tale, and some that depart from it. Lewis didn’t imagine a huge influx of culturally immiscible immigrants, for example. But the central commonality, which makes all the other horrors – fictional and real – possible, is meliorism as a premise and political exploitation of that premise to extend and deepen the power of the State.

     Every State that lasts for a significant period must be founded on superior force. But to acquire that force, the masters of the State must persuade their subjects to allow it to them. The chief tools of persuasion are deceit and fear.

     It doesn’t matter whether the initial set of politicians sincerely want to “help” some subset of the people, or to ameliorate some nagging condition that affects all. Once the State has accumulated unopposable power, men willing to do anything for power will displace the original, supposedly sincere ones. For the sincere ones would balk at methods their challengers willingly adopt – including lethal violence. So nominally decent and trustworthy politicians are steadily replaced by men who observe no moral limits.

     Britain’s national government fell into the meliorist premise many decades ago. Each generation of power-wielders was succeeded by a harder-nosed, less scrupled set. But even as the quality of its politicians declined, the verbal emphasis on meliorism never waned; indeed, it seems to have increased. The power-wielders promise, hands on their hearts, that We’re here to help – to serve! If any of them really mean it, I’m unable to name them.

     Americans should not look at Britain with scorn. The same progression is in effect here. Leaving aside the Great Maverick, President Donald Trump, I’m hard pressed to name a high-ranking politician whom I would trust.

* * *

     In 1962, Joseph Clark, one of Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senators, was asked to define liberalism as he understood it. Senator Clark replied:

     “A liberal,” he writes, “[is] one who believes in utilizing the full force of government for the advancement of social, political and economic justice at the municipal, state, national and international levels.”

     That’s political meliorism straight up, with no chaser. Whether or not Clark was sincere about his aims, he was consistent. One of his enthusiasms was for the establishment of a world government to which national governments would be subordinate. He pursued that aim as a member and president of World Federalists U.S.A.

     Clark was very popular. His successors in the United States Senate have varied in that regard, but they’ve all given copious lip service to meliorism. And they’ve worked diligently to expand and deepen the power of the federal government. Republicans, unable to oppose political meliorism effectively, have largely endorsed it. Which is why I joke that the GOP’s true platform is “We Can Do It Cheaper!”

* * *

     Power over others always ends up in the hands of those who want it most. As Friedrich Hayek told us in The Road To Serfdom, over time the progression brings men to power who recognize no moral limits, regardless of the platitudes they mouth. Their sole aim is power: getting it, keeping it, and increasing it.

     George Orwell told us what follows:

     ‘How does one man assert his power over another, Winston?’
     Winston thought. ‘By making him suffer,’ he said.
     ‘Exactly. By making him suffer. Obedience is not enough. Unless he is suffering, how can you be sure that he is obeying your will and not his own? Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing. Do you begin to see then what kind of world we are creating? It is the exact opposite of the stupid hedonistic Utopias that the old reformers imagined. A world of fear and treachery and torment, a world of trampling and being trampled upon, a world that will grow not less but more merciless as it refines itself. Progress in our world will be progress toward more pain. The old civilizations claimed that they were founded on love and justice. Ours is founded upon hatred. In our world there will be no emotion except fear, rage, and self-abasement. Everything else will be destroyed--everything!...If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face--forever.’

     O’Brien was free to say that to Winston Smith because he had Winston totally in his power. But outside the Ministry of Love, the Party pretended that its governance was in the best interests of the people of Oceania. It had to lie and demand doublethink to do so, but the meliorist pretense was always there.

* * *

     I could go on, but I think the point stands. He who wants power over you will always tell you he intends to use it in your interests. Sometimes he’ll be sincere… but his successors will be less so, and on it will go until the nation is under a Stalin. Clive Staples Lewis has shown us the face behind the meliorist mask in a work of compelling power. Yes, his heroes invoked supernatural aid to cleanse Britain of the N.I.C.E. and its works. Perhaps that makes That Hideous Strength too fanciful for some. But Lewis’s depiction of the N.I.C.E. and its Satanic evil remains one of speculative fiction’s highest achievements.

     To the political meliorists who look upon the N.I.C.E. as a template for their own advancement in power, I offer no apologies.

Friday, November 21, 2025

Locating The State Part 2

Drive your cattle to the woods, Francois,
The lord is looking your way.
Hide your women and your goods, Francois,
They’re coming around to make you pay.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.
Hide if you can, poor little man,
Think of a prayer to say.

[Tom Paxton, “When Princes Meet”]

     In the previous piece, I focused on the question of who actually wields the power of the State, especially in those instances when it impinges on common citizens. For those are the times when State power is impossible to ignore: the times when the peasants drive their cattle to the woods, hide their women and valuables, and do their best to become invisible.

     A dear, departed friend named Ed who shared my detestation of the State once hauled me up short as I ranted. “Abolishing the political State would be nice,” he said, “but it wouldn’t be the end of the thing. States exist because there are people who love power. Take the political State away from them and they’ll just change colors. They’ll adapt! Humans are good at that, remember?”

     Ed then cited vigilance committees and lynch mobs. “They wielded the same power as an ‘official’ State. They just did it informally, and for a shorter time. Then there’s guilds and trade unions. Even when there was no ‘official’ State to back them up, they wielded State powers. Wherever you have a local preponderance of force and the will to use it, you have a State.”

     I didn’t argue the point. Ed was right. It shed a new and fresh light on the matter.

     Where would we find such “local preponderances of force” today?


     Everybody’s got his own pet peeve. Some of those peeves arise from the “busybody” impulse that’s more prevalent among us than ever. For there are many persons whose whole lives revolve around their desire to interfere in others’ lives and businesses. They know “how things ought to be.” All too frequently they find like-minded souls to collaborate with them.

     One of the premier examples of this in our time is the “homeowners’ association” or HOA.

     I was greatly amused to note the proliferation of stories, on YouTube in particular, about battles between homeowners and the tiny totalitarians who always seem to dominate an HOA. I suspect that they’re largely generated by AI composition. Still, the number of them speaks to the superfluity of the meddling impulse. The phenomenon moved Eric Hoffer to comment thus:

     A man is likely to mind his own business when it is worth minding. When it is not, he takes his mind off his own meaningless affairs by minding other people's business...The vanity of the selfless, even those who practice the utmost humility, is boundless.

     Indeed.

     Yet HOAs, no matter who dominates them constitute States de facto. They wield coercive power. All too frequently they go unopposed, even when their demands are unjustified by the organization’s charter. They who run them and the others who back them, actively or passively, are doing State work.

     Completely informal groups that arise to put pressure on others have the same character, even if they refrain (or are prevented) from using force. One such figured in my own young life:

     A family not far from us had domestic troubles. She slapped him one night, and he responded by shoving her through a screen door, which occasioned a visit to the local hospital for her, a visit from an impromptu decency committee for him, and departure from town for the two of them, soon afterward.

     Such incidents might seem trivial at the time, but the desire for power over others – to insert oneself and one’s convictions into another’s life and make him behave — that animates them is anything but trivial. Even when the great majority agree with the necessity of wielding or threatening coercive force, that desire must be recognized – and curbed.


     I’ve said at other times and places that the American mantra should be Mind your own business, as it once was. These days, There ought to be a law is heard more frequently. That speaks to the ascension of a poisonous proclivity: the belief that interfering in others’ lives is right and proper as long as you can get a majority to back you.

     Rather than beat this into the magma layer, allow me to suggest only this: Try each phrase in your own mouth and mind. Which tastes better? Which strikes you as a better prescription for a peaceful society?

     The choice, Gentle Reader, is yours.

Thursday, May 28, 2020

Because They Can?

     There are a number of observable patterns about power, those who seek it, and those who attain it that the Wuhan Virus “crisis” has thrown into sharp relief. A great many Americans are taking notice of those patterns at long last. No small number or persons are straining to deny them, whether out of the need to wish them away or the recognition that they threaten oneself.

     One of those patterns pertains to the enjoyment of power. As I wrote about five years ago:

     The evil man, once he has some degree of power, will use it to acquire more, for power is a drug that doesn’t sate. However, the enjoyment of power requires that it be used. For, as O’Brien said to Winston in 1984, to enjoy your power, you must be actually coercing your victim at the moment:
     ‘How does one man assert his power over another, Winston?’
     Winston thought. ‘By making him suffer,’ he said.
     ‘Exactly. By making him suffer. Obedience is not enough. Unless he is suffering, how can you be sure that he is obeying your will and not his own? Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing.’

     In this regard, it becomes vital that we understand how political power – power over others – differs from ability and / or the rightful possession of resources:

     Political power – i.e., power over others – is relational in nature. Its wielder requires victims upon whom to exercise his power. If he has no victims, his power is illusory. But by extension, the magnitude of his power can be measured by the number of his victims.

     Combine the above with the emotional structure of him who seeks power above all other things:

  • He sees himself principally – perhaps even exclusively – in relation to others.
  • Therefore, he is perpetually in competition with those others.
  • Defeating them is more important to him than any independent aspect of his accomplishments. Without them to measure himself against, he would feel his life to be meaningless.

     Now, that structure is not exclusive to the power-seeker. Persons in other fields exhibit it as well. They’re well represented in those fields where great achievement is celebrated by some highly publicized prize. But unlike one who seeks fortune and glory for a constructive achievement in the arts, sciences, commerce, or what-have-you, the power-seeker needs victims to reify his “victory.”

     This insight is what led me to the study of politics and government.


     Today we have a number of state governors determined to maintain their “orders” to close down all activity in their states to the point of madness. The term most often applied to these sweeping closures is “lockdown,” a word borrowed from the practices of high-security prisons. They have no Constitutional authority to do these things...yet they do them. There is no fact-based rationale by which to justify even a polite request that their residents remain immobile in their homes. Moreover, when confronted by any degree of resistance, they become enraged.

     Attempts to reason with the Gavin Newsoms, the Andrew Cuomos, the Gretchen Whitmers, and so on have all met with failure. Indeed, it could not have happened any other way, for no matter what “reason” a Newsom, Cuomo, or Whitmer might offer for a “lockdown” order, we are guaranteed that it will not be the real one. The real reason is the miscreant’s enjoyment of the exercise of power: “Because I can.”

     The dead giveaway is the governor’s self-exemption, and his exemption of those in his circle of intimates and favorites, from the rules he has decreed. No sincerely meant rationale about “keeping you safe” could be squared with allowing their loved ones to violate the rules intended to safeguard the rest of us. When caught in such a contradiction, they squirm visibly. If they cannot manage a deflection, they’ll counterattack with an ad hominem or a counter-allegation of evil motives.

     “By their fruits shall ye know them,” said the Redeemer, and indeed it is so. The fruits of these insanely protracted stay-at-home orders are entirely poison. Not the least of their bitter yield is the conditioning of millions of Americans to the notion that a government-declared “emergency” justifies executive dictatorship: abuses of power that would have had the Founding Fathers taking their muskets out of storage.

     Far too many of our countrymen have proved as unthinkingly submissive as sheep.

     There may be no way back after this. I’m not hopeful. In my admittedly minority opinion, violent rebellions against state governments that have acted this way would be fully justified. Yet to this point, the totality of the resistance to such tyranny has been simple defiance of the orders to remain closed.

     Where’s that planetoid, damn it? It’s badly needed and way past due.

Tuesday, May 26, 2020

Westphailure: A Memorial Day Reflection

     [This is a repost of a column I wrote three years ago. It seems to me to capture the essential tragedy of Memorial Day better than anything I’ve written before or since. I find that I cannot improve on it. In our time of wholly artificial, politically useful fear and widespread, ever intensifying animosity between private citizens and political Establishments, it strikes me as uniquely appropriate. – FWP]

     Over the past two decades there have been a number of articles, whether scholarly or written for a lay audience, to the effect that the end is in sight for the Westphalian nation-state. Some analysts have treated the subject with alarm, others with glee. Some focused upon specific enemies of the nation-state, such as creedal or ethnic particularism or “non-state-actor” terrorism. A few have attempted to predict what forms of political organization (if any) would follow. And occasionally a visionary has speculated upon the possibility that political organization itself might vanish.

     Yet few of those who spent their efforts on the matter could cope with the two questions that loom above all the others:

  1. Why do nation-states exist at all?
  2. Why do some nation-states appear endangered while others do not?

     More grist for a Curmudgeon Emeritus’s mill.


     The emergence of the political entities we recognize today as nation-states was a drawn-out process. The 1648 Treaties of Westphalia, though widely regarded as seminal, was really the start of a gestational process that continued through the 1713 Treaties of Utrecht, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the politically neglected Napoleonic Wars, and the Congress of Vienna. Each of those things had a role to play in the birth of the nation-state as we’ve come to understand it.

     Whereas the Treaties of Westphalia were largely concerned with established religions, the subsequent events addressed a supremely practical issue: the desire for an enduring conception of sovereignty, including a sovereign’s authority to determine and enforce the law in his domain. During those tumultuous decades the question of who should have the power to make law, and by what mechanisms and upon what terms it should be enforced, was paramount in the minds of many Europeans. Revolutions had toppled regimes in England, France, and America. Innovative concepts such as individual rights, freedom of speech and religion, and the consent of the governed appeared to threaten sovereigns worldwide. Above all, the unbridled war-making power the Treaties of Westphalia had reserved to the sovereign appeared to threaten the basis of human society.

     Power itself needed a new basis. Sovereign absolutism would no longer serve the purposes of the West. But to proceed from that point required that those purposes be enunciated and clarified. Moreover, the royalty of Europe could no longer reserve those purposes to themselves.


     The major desideratum that powered the emergence of the nation-state was stability. The economy of Europe had been ravaged by endless wars and struggles over jurisdiction among monarchs and nobles. The further advancement of civilization, a foretaste of which was visible in Eighteenth Century England, required that the quarreling cease. The accelerating assertiveness of the common man suggested that the old basis of absolute monarchs and nobles sworn to fealty would no longer do the job.

     I don’t mean to suggest that the movers of the development of the modern nation-state were animated by a sense of civic responsibility or anything comparable to it. They merely wanted to enjoy their positions and the pleasures and conveniences made available by an advancing economy. They realized that they couldn’t have those things if Europe were to remain an eternal battlefield. The defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo opened the possibility of putting an end to the strife.

     Consensus emerged, albeit tacitly, that the aggressive Continental imperialism of the two centuries past, most recently represented by Napoleon, must end. Borders must be stabilized; ruling powers must agree to respect them. Diplomatic intercourse must replace warfare in all but the most serious disputes between sovereigns. More – and ultimately far more significant – the possibility of provoking a bottom-up revolution must be kept in mind in all political operations.

     None of these things were explicit parts of the treaties made during those years. Yet they loomed behind most of the maneuverings of Metternich, Talleyrand, Wellington, Tsar Alexander I, and the rest. Though it appeared that the rise of republicanism had been dealt a setback, the hundred years of relative peace that followed allowed the common man to rise to a stature that would ultimately make it impossible for a European ruler ever again to assert overt, absolute, and unbounded authority.

     The nation-state as the principal guarantor of peace, stability, and orderly commerce had emerged.


     Shortly before he died, the great Herbert Spencer, aghast at the return of social invidiousness and national animosities that characterized the currents of the close of the Nineteenth Century, predicted that the Twentieth would be “a century of socialism and war.” Twentieth Century Europe would prove him correct. National governments, both hereditary and elective, turned once again to warfare to “get what’s rightfully ours.”

     In a way, the famous remark of German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg:

     "The world will be plunged into the most terrible of wars...all for a word -- 'neutrality'...all for a scrap of paper." -- Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor of the German Empire, referring to Britain's decision to go to war over Germany's violation of Belgium's neutrality, which had been guaranteed by Britain, France and Germany in an 1832 treaty.

     ...revealed the cause of the failure of the Hundred Years’ Peace. That peace had been held together by nothing but “scraps of paper:” the treaties and less formal agreements of the Westphalian, Utrechtan, and Viennese periods. The nations hadn’t renounced their arms; indeed, they’d amassed them to a greater height than ever before. What brought about World War I was the dismissal of the peace made possible at Westphalia, Utrecht, and Vienna as supreme above all other considerations.

     Governments, both hereditary and elective, gave notice that peace, stability, and orderly commerce aren’t their major goals after all.

     Once the Great War was over, it became clear that the ascent of the common man to economic potency ultimately made the Viennese system of 1814-15 untenable by the standards of the European political elite. The collapse of the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian, and Ottoman Empires underscored the danger to ruling elites. A dramatic revision of the political basis of the nation-state became inevitable. Sovereignty must descend to the proletariat at least in appearance, else the commoners would displace the elites once and for all.

     Great Britain and France were already sailing that course. In the wake of the Treaty of Versailles, the other nations of Europe embarked on it in various ways. However, the seeds of popular dissatisfaction with government generally had been planted deep. Watered by the acceleration of the socialist movement and the three great exploiters thereof – Mussolini, Hitler, and Stalin – the shoots would overturn European stability again only twenty years later.


     Over the century since the Great War, it has become appallingly clear to ordinary private citizens that no matter their representations or the formal structures of their governments, the ruling elites of nation-states are in business for themselves. Their interest in the peace, legal stability, and orderly commerce common men so enjoy is secondary to their interest in maintaining their power, stature, and perquisites. They will provide true service to those things only insofar as it serves to support and maintain their positions. At other times, lip service will suffice.

     Scant wonder that the nation-state as an institution is under attack from all sides. The common man, now empowered beyond all the emperors of old taken together, has become dissatisfied with it. Whether his principal allegiance goes to a neighborhood, a race, an ethnicity, a religion, or his own wallet, he’s no longer willing to support the political status quo without reservation. Indeed, he’s actively interested in possible alternatives. Could the best of us, the young men who enlist in their nations’ armed forces knowing that it puts their lives at risk – knowing that their fathers and grandfathers were sent forth to bleed on foreign soil for causes many of which have proved futile at best, evil at worst – be far behind?

     The dynamics of the thing deserve further study. Remember the fallen.

Monday, March 30, 2020

Outrage Dept.

     I’ve wondered for some time why the residents of New York City elected Bill De Blasio their city’s mayor. I’ve wondered why they re-elected him after the damage he did to the city in his first term. I haven’t stopped wondering about those things...but about De Blasio himself, there’s no need to wonder:

     New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio warned religious leaders that their places of worship could be shut down permanently if they did not follow the city's order to pause services during the coronavirus pandemic.

     "A small number of religious communities, specific churches and specific synagogues, are unfortunately not paying attention to this guidance even though it’s so widespread," the New York Democrat said Friday at his daily press briefing.

     "I want to say to all those who are preparing for the potential of religious services this weekend: If you go to your synagogue, if you go to your church and attempt to hold services after having been told so often not to, our enforcement agents will have no choice but to shut down those services," he added.

     De Blasio said that continued resistance of authorities to close religious services could mean a permanent shutdown.

     "If that does not happen, they will take additional action up to the point of fines and potentially closing the building permanently," he said.

     Those are not the words of an American mayor, exercising delimited powers under a Constitutionally conformant city charter that defines them strictly. Those are the words of a man who fancies himself a dictator, unbound by the Constitution of the United States.

     How does this vicious, contemptible creature, this unabashed totalitarian, continue to hold the mayoralty of the greatest of America’s cities – indeed, the greatest city on Earth? How is it that he hasn’t been bodily expelled from office? Indeed, how is it that he hasn’t yet been hanged from a lamppost, his remains left as a treat for the buzzards and a warning to those who would follow his example?

     If you’re not religious — don’t tell me how “spiritual” you are unless you want me to ban you — you might think this has nothing to do with you. You’d be wrong.

     People have been asking one another for some time, “Where’s the limit? How far can we permit them to infringe on our civil liberties in the name of this ‘crisis’?” The limit, Gentle Reader, was passed some time ago...and we’ve done nothing.

     What’s that? You disagree? Well, watch as the mayors of other cities, and the governors of states, emulate De Blasio. Success breeds emulation – and De Blasio, should be succeed in getting away with this, will be emulated. His power grab is the furthest any state or local official has dared to go. But don’t doubt for a moment that they’ll hesitate to do so, should De Blasio prove it safe.

     It’s odds-on that New Yorkers won’t even think to defy De Blasio’s ukase. That makes it highly likely that he will be emulated by the mayors of other, Democrat-controlled cities, and by no few Republican-controlled ones. Arbitrary seizures of property and police checkpoints where law-abiding-citizens are detained without cause will come next. All “for the crisis,” don’t y’know.

     Meanwhile, the scrofulous Andrew Cuomo has flipped his wig over Rhode Island’s recent moves to bar New Yorkers from the Ocean State. Emperor Andrew should look south rather than north and east. Rather than going to war with another state, he should consider reining in the criminal in Gracie Mansion. He won’t. As much as he dislikes De Blasio, he won’t. Democrats exhibit “party unity” under conditions such as these. Besides, De Blasio might be teaching Cuomo how far he can go in exercising forbidden powers and authorities never granted.

     It remains possible that New York’s police might choose to ignore De Blasio’s edict. Barring that, it’s possible that President Trump will act to halt De Blasio’s usurpations and protect New Yorkers’ Constitutionally guaranteed rights. It’s a longshot, but at this point, owing to their passivity up to now, longshots are all New Yorkers have left.

Friday, December 27, 2019

Quickies: Quotidian Brilliance Dept.

     Glenn “Instapundit” Reynolds doesn’t write a lot at his famous blog, but every now and then he shoots off an important, eloquently-phrased bit of insight:

     PROFESSOR JACOBSON: Trump As Human Shield: Trump may not be the only thing standing between “us” and the deranged Resistance mob, but he’s one of the things.

     Of course, just as law enforcement is there not so much to protect us from the criminals as to protect the criminals from us, the “human shield” thing goes both ways. There are a lot of people in America eager to string politicians from lampposts, and Trump’s presidency makes that less, not more, likely. But the beneficiaries are not equipped to appreciate that.

     I couldn’t have put it better.

Tuesday, December 3, 2019

The Remolding

     I’ve sometimes speculated about the official mantras of various organizations and groups. Every group wants a phrase that concisely expresses the group’s philosophy and goals. It gives admission-seekers something to swear to and rally-goers something to chant. You know, like the Muslim terrorist’s scream of Allahu akhbar!

     Some perfectly acceptable groups with entirely wholesome agendas can’t achieve real concision. Take Christians, for example. Our mantra, if we may call it that, is the Nicene Creed, which is over two hundred words long. While it does nicely summarize Christian theology, and we all learn it at a fairly early age, its length makes it unsuitable for a chant at a public rally.

     On the other hand, some groups have no trouble with concision, but are uneasy about letting their mantra become publicly known, as they don’t want the general public to know what they’re really about. And on the gripping hand, there are groups with an unpleasant agenda whose mantra is concise and clear...and they don’t care whether you know it or not.


     Have a little Orwell to start your day:

     ‘Did I not tell you just now that we are different from the persecutors of the past? We are not content with negative obedience, nor even with the most abject submission. When finally you surrender to us, it must be of your own free will. We do not destroy the heretic because he resists us: so long as he resists us we never destroy him. We convert him, we capture his inner mind, we reshape him. We burn all evil and all illusion out of him; we bring him over to our side, not in appearance, but genuinely, heart and soul. We make him one of ourselves before we kill him. It is intolerable to us that an erroneous thought should exist anywhere in the world, however secret and powerless it may be. Even in the instant of death we cannot permit any deviation. In the old days the heretic walked to the stake still a heretic, proclaiming his heresy, exulting in it. Even the victim of the Russian purges could carry rebellion locked up in his skull as he walked down the passage waiting for the bullet. But we make the brain perfect before we blow it out. The command of the old despotisms was “Thou shalt not.” The command of the totalitarians was “Thou shalt.” Our command is “Thou art.” No one whom we bring to this place ever stands out against us. Everyone is washed clean.’

     [George Orwell, 1984]

     Inner Party member O’Brien, whom Winston Smith had foolishly trusted, expresses in the above soliloquy the heart’s desire of every power-monger: not merely to compel obedience through force, but to have the fully willing compliance of all his subjects. It remains an “ideal” to be striven for, but it’s no less prized among today’s would-be dictators for that.

     A great deal of research has gone into the development of what Vernor Vinge termed a “You Gotta Believe Me” weapon: a mass brainwashing technique that persons on the receiving end would be unable to resist. No such technique has yet been discovered, but power-seekers everywhere are ardently on the hunt for one. Moreover, the experiences of the century behind us suggest that certain directions for research hold more promise than others. Irresistible persuasion might yet become a reality.

     If the possibility doesn’t terrify you right out of your socks, check your pulse: you may have died and not noticed.


     As they have not yet achieved a “You Gotta Believe Me” breakthrough, today’s power-seekers are largely fixed on removing freedom’s indispensable supports from others’ hands. Two above all have earned their unending ire:

  • Open, free communications among men;
  • Private ownership of weapons.

     In nations whose power elites are near to absolute control of all things, the populace is both afraid to speak and has been entirely disarmed. Consider the United Kingdom, for example. Men have been imprisoned and fined for expressing themselves in a fashion the power elite has classified as “hateful” or “offensive:” i.e., inimical to the regime or its favored ones. Effectively no one is armed there any longer, so resistance to the regime has been made next to impossible. Indeed, the regime rides so high over its subjects that it can disregard a popular vote that produced an unambiguous result, as was the case with the Brexit referendum.

     A recent, highly disturbing story underlines that regime’s bottomless hunger for absolute control over its subjects’ attitudes and thoughts:

     A man famously lauded as a “hero” in 2017 for fighting off terrorists on the London Bridge has been forced by British authorities to attend “de-radicalization” classes “over fears he may become extremist” after being stabbed eight times, British papers reported.

     Forty-nine-year-old Roy Larner became known as the “Lion of London Bridge” after three Jihadis in a van plowed into a crowd of people on London Bridge before stalking from building to building, killing seven people and eventually reaching the Black and Blue pub where Larner was drinking with friends.

     “They had these long knives and started shouting about Allah. Then it was, ‘Islam, Islam, Islam,’” Larner said. “Like an idiot I shouted back at them … I took a few steps towards them and said, ‘Fuck you, I’m Millwall,'” he said, referring to his favorite soccer team....

     He fought them off with his bare fists, sustaining serious stab wounds all over his body but allowing dozens of other patrons to escape.

     Larner has now been added to a terrorist watchlist know as Britain’s “Prevent” program after fears he could become an anti-Islam extremist, the Sun reported Monday.

     I hardly need to comment on the ironies here. Britons don’t dare say a word about the Islamic invasion of the Sceptered Isle and what it’s done to their lives. That’s “hate speech” that can land you in prison. But Roy Larner, who defended others from homicidal Muslims who’d already killed seven people, must have his thoughts reshaped to prevent him from becoming “an anti-Islam extremist.”

     What does the regime really fear? That Britons might be thinking, “We’d be a lot safer had we not agreed to give up our firearms,” maybe? Or “These Muslims are destroying everything we hold dear, and the politicians are perfectly all right with it,” perhaps? Either one would threaten the elite. Therefore, anyone who exemplifies individual resistance to What Has Been Decreed From On High must be remolded. Roy Larner makes a perfect object lesson to the rest.


     Here in the U.S., we haven’t given in to the extent our cousins Across the Water have done. We still have essentially free speech, and we still possess some weapons. But needless to say, our national power-mongers would very much like to change those things:

     Yes, the First Amendment protects the “thought that we hate,” but it should not protect hateful speech that can cause violence by one group against another. In an age when everyone has a megaphone, that seems like a design flaw.

     It is important to remember that our First Amendment doesn’t just protect the good guys; our foremost liberty also protects any bad actors who hide behind it to weaken our society. In the weeks leading up to the 2016 election, Russia’s Internet Research Agency planted false stories hoping they would go viral. They did. Russian agents assumed fake identities, promulgated false narratives and spread lies on Twitter and Facebook, all protected by the First Amendment.

     [Former State Department Undersecretary Richard Stengel]

     VIGILANTISM, WITH its alluring tingle of defiance and frontier justice, conjures a cinematic idea of American individualism. A similar impulse is at work among advocates of the so-called Second Amendment sanctuary movement, a trend in mainly rural counties declaring they will refuse to enforce restrictive state gun laws. Both are examples of individuals who, lacking legal authority, put themselves above the law, thereby promoting chaos.

     In Virginia, the movement has lately become a fad, spurred by legislative election results that will, starting in January, hand pro-gun control Democrats control of both houses of the General Assembly for the first time in a generation. With a Democrat also in the governor’s mansion, some rural Republicans are raising the specter of mass gun confiscations — and pronouncing themselves Second Amendment Sanctuaries. This is nonsense fanned by mischief-makers with an agenda.

     [An unsigned Washington Post editorial]

     Here we have two cases of persons with media megaphones – one of them a former federal official – criticizing the rights guaranteed to Americans by the First and Second Amendments to the Constitution. We may conclude that there are many in the halls of government and mass media who agree with them. But more to the point, the constant repetition of their notions in innumerable media outlets, whether print, broadcast, cablecast, or Internet, illustrates one face of their thought remolding technique. The other face is their allies’ efforts to silence those who disagree, whether by intimidation or “deplatforming.”

     When one proposition is repeated endlessly – when it becomes impossible to get away from it, and anyone who dares to express a contrary position is demonized – its persuasive power reaches its maximum. It’s the American version of Goebbels’ propaganda technique, except that in the Land of the Formerly Free, the media aren’t entirely under the control of the Omnipotent State...formally, at least.

     No, it’s not quite Vinge’s “You Gotta Believe Me,” but its effect in remolding the convictions of the gullible, especially those who lack knowledge of history, is both pernicious and formidable. Visit any college campus for an in-your-face demonstration.


     I opened this screed with a remark about the mantras of various groups. The two groups of interest this morning, media organizations and governments, have mantras they murmur within their own halls but seldom allow outsiders to hear:

  • Media: “Resistance is useless and dangerous.”
  • Governments: “We will break you to harness.”

     Beneath those mantras we can hear the ceaseless drumbeat of the drive for absolute and irresistible power. Media power and government power are indispensable complements to one another. The former shapes thoughts and convictions, while the latter shapes behavior. Why else would insurrectionists always target the newspapers, radio, and television stations above all else?

     Have just a wee bit more Orwell for a capper:

     ‘Do not imagine that you will save yourself, Winston, however completely you surrender to us. No one who has once gone astray is ever spared. And even if we chose to let you live out the natural term of your life, still you would never escape from us. What happens to you here is for ever. Understand that in advance. We shall crush you down to the point from which there is no coming back. Things will happen to you from which you could not recover, if you lived a thousand years. Never again will you be capable of ordinary human feeling. Everything will be dead inside you. Never again will you be capable of love, or friendship, or joy of living, or laughter, or curiosity, or courage, or integrity. You will be hollow. We shall squeeze you empty, and then we shall fill you with ourselves.’

     Given free rein, our contemporary power-mongers would make O’Brien look like a piker. Never doubt that what he did to Winston Smith – the complete destruction of Smith’s mind and self, to be replaced by a construct of the Party’s design – is what they intend for us.

     Each and every one of us.

Tuesday, August 6, 2019

The Cycle Of Desire Part 2: Fulfillment

     Desires are subject to a dynamic of their own. Any given individual’s desires occupy a priority scheme that dictates which ones will receive his immediate attention. Such a scheme is mutable. It often goes through several transformations in the course of a man’s life as desires are added to it and subtracted from it.

     We’re all aware that new desires can emerge according to developments both foreseen and unforeseen. (No one desired a computer before 1950, a smartphone before 1990, or Christina Hendricks before Mad Men.) What causes a desire to be removed from such a list?

     While there may be other forces, the one that functions most effectively to quench a desire is fulfillment. Once fulfilled, the typical desire ceases to motivate its possessor, at least for a time. That seems to be the pattern for nearly all the kinds of desires individuals have known.

     Nearly all. Not all, by any means:

     He who lusts for power over others is inherently evil. I trust this requires no great argument in its justification. The evil man, once he has some degree of power, will use it to acquire more, for power is a drug that doesn’t sate. However, the enjoyment of power requires that it be used. For, as O’Brien said to Winston in 1984, to enjoy your power, you must be actually coercing your victim at the moment:
     ‘How does one man assert his power over another, Winston?’
     Winston thought. ‘By making him suffer,’ he said.
     ‘Exactly. By making him suffer. Obedience is not enough. Unless he is suffering, how can you be sure that he is obeying your will and not his own? Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing.’

     Ponder that for a moment. Perhaps it’s the second time you’ve seen it here, or the third, or the twentieth. Do it anyway.


     Every society has been afflicted by persons whose sole, unflagging desire is for power over others. Ours is not an exception. Nor are such persons always obvious about their aims.

     It’s not widely known that Franklin D. Roosevelt campaigned for the presidency on a platform of reduced government spending, generally smaller government, and the maintenance of a strong, gold-backed dollar. Yet that is the case. How FDR actually governed was, of course, a hundred eighty degrees from those tenets. How much of that complete departure from stated positions and priorities was because he had intended it from the first, and how much arose from the ambitions of his “brain trust,” we cannot know. But we can know this: FDR intended to remain president until he died. By the end of his second term, he had become convinced that the office was his by right – that no one else was fit to occupy it.

     Power was what FDR most wanted in this world. That marked him as one who must not get it. But once he was in the Oval Office, in command of the vast executive powers of the federal government, it was too late to prevent it.

     Today there are many persons as avid for complete, unopposable power over these United States as was FDR. Twenty-odd such persons (and some of them are very odd indeed) are currently contending for the Democrat Party’s nomination in 2000. Perhaps one of them will be the nominee; perhaps some “dark horse” will arise late in the campaign to snatch the nod. Regardless of the identity of the nominee, he will be a person who desires power above all other things, for that is what it takes to be a Democrat of great prominence in our time.

     The moral “should” be “obvious.”


     Barack Obama greatly desired to disarm American citizens. He edged toward trying it through executive order at several points, but held back from the attempt. We cannot know what inhibited him. We can know this: It is the development the Left desires above all others.

     I wrote not long ago that the Left is desperate, and that desperate people do desperate things. The unprecedented success of the Trump Administration, the Democrat Party’s realization of the inadequacy of its current “leaders,” and the impending storm of indictments it fears over the “Russian collusion” hoax and what powered it, are raising that desperation to new heights. The probability of a desperation play, a “political Hail Mary” from the Left, is higher than ever.

     The imposition of true totalitarian rule upon Americans requires that we first be disarmed. Unfortunately for the Left, far too many Americans are aware of this. It has been said that the First Amendment depends upon the maintenance of the rights protected by the Second. It is equally true that the Second Amendment depends upon the awareness of events and trends made possible by the First. Thus, both those guarantees are under intense attack. Soon both might be the focus of a “Reichstag fire” event, after which the Left hopes the clamor for their suspension will be too great to resist.

     If you’re not armed and ready to defend those rights, you don’t have much time left to get there.


     The key to all of this is the recognition that the desire for power, once fulfilled, only excites that desire to a higher magnitude. Other desires are not like that. For that reason we cannot hope to appease those who want power over us. History speaks to this in a voice of thunder.

     Be armed and ready. Know your neighbors and what they stand for, and make sure they know the same about you. And stay alert for power-lusters making false promises of peace and harmony if you’ll just give up a few “obsolete” rights. They’re more desperate than ever before.

Monday, July 2, 2018

Quickies: Philanderers In The White House

     It seems that it’s become obligatory to criticize President Trump’s history of dalliances even in an article that expresses overall approval of him as president:

     Now, this shouldn't be understood as me saying that I think Trump's character is good. He has a long history of stiffing small contractors, he made a whole television career out be being a blowhard and a bully in The Apprentice, and he seems to have a real problem with keeping his pants zipped when he should. He seems to be only indifferent honest. At best. [Emphasis added by FWP]

     For the record, all the following presidents are known to have had mistresses and affairs while in or campaigning for the office:

  • Grover Cleveland
  • Warren Harding
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt
  • John F. Kennedy
  • Bill Clinton

     ...so you see, Donald Trump is not the first man of somewhat relaxed sexual mores to sit in the Oval Office. (I could go on about the terrible presidencies of some of the bluenoses, but I don’t think it’s relevant at this time.)

     We elect our presidents on a sheaf of criteria that’s only partly connected to their characters. (If character were the only relevant consideration, we certainly wouldn’t have elected William Jefferson Clinton.) Donald Trump, the great majority of whose questionable involvements occurred twenty years or more ago, attained the presidency for reasons other than his unswerving fidelity to his first wife. And for my money, he was a damned good choice.

     Recently a friend suggested that while Trump is indeed an effective Right-leaning president, nevertheless we shouldn’t be so reluctant to criticize him when he deserves it. Her point deserves sober reflection, but not because a president is expected to display high standards of personal conduct. Rather, we should take into account both changes in the national mores on marital and sexual conduct, as well as the lowering of marital and sexual standards that the aforementioned presidents brought to the office.

     This could be seen as a tu quoque argument. In a way, it is one. My point is merely that previous presidents had already lowered the standards, while the rest of the nation was following along in its homes and social gathering places.

     Many aspects of American life changed over the course of the Twentieth Century. Anyone who remembers the rapid changes in sexual morals that followed the Pill and the Motel will be nodding at this point. It would be foolish to think that those who roam the corridors of power would go unaffected. Indeed, given their penchant for awarding themselves privileges and exemptions the rest of us would never be allowed, it was always more likely that they would be the ones “leading the way.”

Friday, September 22, 2017

The Unaddressed Question Of 1984

     ...is why did it happen? What was George Orwell’s conception of the train of developments that led to the ascendancy of IngSoc, the Party, and the all-enveloping totalitarianism that ultimately consumed the people of “Oceania?”

     A writer who manages to take a handful of your guts and give them a good twist, as Orwell does in his most famous novel, writes from a sense of mission. He has a theme in mind that has engaged his passions, and which he intends to present to his readership in fictional form. If he’s good at his trade, his readers will be just as engaged with that theme. Where he exulted, they’ll exult; where he shuddered, they’ll shudder. Eric “George Orwell” Blair was one of the best of his day.

     A bald reading of 1984 suggests that Orwell’s major aim was to depict the horrors of an all-encompassing totalitarian state: a state whose masters will be satisfied with nothing less than controlling the thoughts in its subjects’ heads. There’s an obvious utilitarian reason for the power-mad to want such control: it precludes all possibility of rebellion. If it were possible – and I shan’t suggest that it absolutely isn’t – it would be the ultimate totalitarian wet dream. But how would a relatively free society get to IngSoc, The Party, the ubiquitous telescreens, et cetera? Did Orwell have a sociopolitical path in mind?

     Closely associated secondary question: Does it matter?


     The critical passage in 1984 is one that has appeared here before:

     ‘And now let us get back to the question of “how” and “why”. You understand well enough how the Party maintains itself in power. Now tell me why we cling to power. What is our motive? Why should we want power? Go on, speak,’ he added as Winston remained silent.
     Nevertheless Winston did not speak for another moment or two. A feeling of weariness had overwhelmed him. The faint, mad gleam of enthusiasm had come back into O’Brien’s face. He knew in advance what O’Brien would say. That the Party did not seek power for its own ends, but only for the good of the majority. That it sought power because men in the mass were frail cowardly creatures who could not endure liberty or face the truth, and must be ruled over and systematically deceived by others who were stronger than themselves. That the choice for mankind lay between freedom and happiness, and that, for the great bulk of mankind, happiness was better. That the party was the eternal guardian of the weak, a dedicated sect doing evil that good might come, sacrificing its own happiness to that of others. The terrible thing, thought Winston, the terrible thing was that when O’Brien said this he would believe it. You could see it in his face. O’Brien knew everything. A thousand times better than Winston he knew what the world was really like, in what degradation the mass of human beings lived and by what lies and barbarities the Party kept them there. He had understood it all, weighed it all, and it made no difference: all was justified by the ultimate purpose. What can you do, thought Winston, against the lunatic who is more intelligent than yourself, who gives your arguments a fair hearing and then simply persists in his lunacy?
     ‘You are ruling over us for our own good,’ he said feebly. ’You believe that human beings are not fit to govern themselves, and therefore-’
     He started and almost cried out. A pang of pain had shot through his body. O’Brien had pushed the lever of the dial up to thirty-five.
     ‘That was stupid, Winston, stupid!’ he said. ‘You should know better than to say a thing like that.’
     He pulled the lever back and continued:
     ‘Now I will tell you the answer to my question. It is this. The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others ; we are interested solely in power. Not wealth or luxury or long life or happiness: only power, pure power. What pure power means you will understand presently. We are different from all the oligarchies of the past, in that we know what we are doing. All the others, even those who resembled ourselves, were cowards and hypocrites. The German Nazis and the Russian Communists came very close to us in their methods, but they never had the courage to recognize their own motives. They pretended, perhaps they even believed, that they had seized power unwillingly and for a limited time, and that just round the corner there lay a paradise where human beings would be free and equal. We are not like that. We know that no one ever seizes power with the intention of relinquishing it. Power is not a means, it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship. The object of persecution is persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power. Now do you begin to understand me?’

     It is in those six hundred words that Orwell truly strikes to the heart of the power luster’s mindset. Whatever he wants you to think of his motives, his true aim, even if he’s never consciously admitted it, is absolute and unopposed power over all things, forever.

     The totalitarians of 1984 might have been the successors of earlier “reformists” of some more conventional stripe. They might have been the reformists themselves. The salient point about them is that they are present in every movement that demands power over others, and their ascendancy to the summit of such a movement is inevitable.

     Ayn Rand’s Dr. Floyd Ferris – “We’re after power and we mean it” – is an echo of Orwell’s O’Brien. The two are fully conscious of their true aims. Indeed, once a dictatorship has been established, only persons animated by that aim and frankly conscious of it could possibly rise to the top. They’ll do so because they’re completely without moral constraints. They’re willing to do anything to get there, and anything to stay there. He who has even a single scruple remaining to him will be helpless before them.

     All else is methodology: the selection of the most efficacious means for attaining their end.


     These past two months I’ve written thrice about Nice-Guyism:

  1. The Feelings Blob Part 2: Getting Tough
  2. Nice-Guyism And Ethical Imperatives
  3. Nice-Guyism Continued: Offering Cookies To Mice

     My friend and colleague Dystopic has written similar pieces about weaponized empathy, a highly useful term for political outreach. Perhaps he grasped the overriding importance of this phenomenon from the first; I didn’t.

     The point here is that our desire to be “nice” and to be evaluated thus by others is a useful weapon to the Left...and nothing else. Inversely, if we wanted to be seen not as “nice” but as “heartless,” the Left would have mounted a campaign that uses that motivation as its weapon. In either case, the Left’s covert program would be the same: unopposed power over all things. The weapon is independent of the aims of its wielder, something a gaggle of firearms-rights enthusiasts will easily grasp.

     By corollary, the wielder cares nothing at all about the weapon but whether it will serve his purposes. Once he’s attained his true ends, his only interest in the weapon will be whether it might be useful in preserving them. He’ll discard it if the answer is negative.


     There is so much import in the above that it’s almost a shame that I feel a need to summarize it. Yet it achieves its greatest impact when reduced to a schematic.

     In a relatively free society, they to whom power is the true and only end will act as follows:

  • Identify the dominant motivations of the persons of that society.
  • Identify a Cause which couples effectively to those motivations.
  • Marshal “activists” around the Cause and use it as a pretext for seeking increased State power.
  • Demonize all who oppose the method (increased State power) as enemies of the Cause.
  • Use any grants of power to solidify possession of that power-seat and to penalize opponents.
  • Should the Cause not be well served (i.e., the usual case), blame the opposition and demand more power.
  • Gradually ease out “true believers” in the cause, especially at the power-wielding echelon.

     Needless to say, this schematic can be used by several Causes simultaneously. Those Causes might be consistent in some respects. They might be wholly disconnected from one another. They might even conflict; indeed, this is commonly the case, and more useful to the power-luster than one might imagine. Yet the true aims of those at the Causes’ several tillers will be uniform.

     Perhaps Orwell was supremely insightful in neglecting to specify the sociopolitical currents that led to IngSoc, The Party, et cetera. Perhaps it really doesn’t matter at all.


     A final note: At Return of Kings today, John Carver presents Twenty passages from 1984 that have been realized in essence. Compare those developments to the demands of the various Cause-related groups active in our time. Can you trace the threads that connect their Causes to those developments...and to one another?

Tuesday, June 20, 2017

The Power Canard

     [Inasmuch as the Left has been laboring mightily to eliminate freedom of expression, I’ve decided to resurrect yet another piece from the old Palace of Reason. The following first appeared there on June 7, 2002. -- FWP]


Part One: What is power?

     Someone recently ventured to resurrect the old saw that "money is power." Inasmuch as both terms are undefined to most people, I thought I might lend my offices to the cause of clarity.

     At this time, the wealthiest man in the world is William H. Gates, founder and chairman of Microsoft. I've met Mr. Gates. I came away from the meeting with no great opinion of him personally. But I didn't fear him, nor feel a need to please him. Yet, if "money is power," I should have been terrified of eliciting his slightest displeasure.

     Gates, by virtue of his immense wealth and his captaincy of a giant corporation, has a proportional ability to influence the decisions of others -- if those decisions are more sensitive to the prospect of getting some of Gates's bucks than to other factors. However, were he to commit a felony -- say, rape -- his billions would not avail him, except to buy him the best legal defense available. Were he to take umbrage at someone who had slighted him, he could only refuse to do business with that person henceforward.

     Gates has "power to": the power of the Level and the Square. He can undertake vast projects with distant horizons, with a better chance of success than virtually anyone else in the world. But he has not one shred of "power over." He cannot forcibly deprive one human being of his life, liberty or property, not even some utterly derelict, friendless junkie who sleeps on a Washington D.C. heating grille, without exposing himself to legal redress... unless he succeeds in purchasing immunity from the agents of the State.

     Political power is "power over": the power of the Gun, the power to deprive men of their lives, liberties, or properties without fear of a legal backblast. Consider the lowest, scrawniest bureaucrat from the Department of Health and Human Services. He wields "power over", over all of us. His ability to write regulations with the force of law, to levy fines, to order U.S. Marshals to take citizens into custody and to kill them if they resist, is infinitely more "power over" than Bill Gates has on the best days of his life.

     Politicians and bureaucrats have managed to confuse "power to" with "power over" in the public mind. They have induced the people to forget that "power to" can do them no harm unless "power over" is for sale -- and that the more "power over" we tolerate, the more of it will inevitably be for sale, as those who wield political power are always drawn from the lowest of the moral strata.


Part Two: The proper limits of power.

     Once we're past the "power to" vs. "power over" confusion, much becomes clear about the American Left. One thing that ought not to occupy us, not for a second, is why they want power over us. Motives don't matter. Ask the citizens of the former Soviet Union.

     The question lefties hate is, "Where's the stopping point? At what point does the individual's right to be left alone forbid further expansion of the reach of government?" The true answer, "there is no stopping point," wouldn't go over big with most Americans, no matter how "compassionate" their inclinations. So they slide around it.

     But it's necessary, in conversations with the still-reachable, to be able to demonstrate this. The best evidence is the evolution of the left-wing attitude toward freedom of speech.

     When freedom weenies get into a discussion of this, it's usually misdirected toward matters like the Mapplethorpe or Serrano obscenities. This is a waste of time for us. The issue there isn't freedom of speech, it's coercive government funding for the arts, about which there's no debate. If the cretins who purvey pictures of crucifixes in urine and bullwhips protruding from men's anuses had to get by on the merits of their art, rather than on their ability to woo funding from the NEA, they'd starve to death in a month.

     The American Left started out as passionate about the idea of free expression, but over the last thirty years, the trend has reversed. Today, freedom of expression is reserved, in their view, only for people who agree with them. Folks such as Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin have orchestrated a national campaign for the idea that words are just as deadly as bullets, and should be even more closely regulated... by themselves.

     The seed idea comes from Herbert Marcuse's 1965 essay "Repressive Tolerance," in which he argued that the importance of achieving preeminence for socialist ideas was so great that to tolerate dissent from them was itself a crime. He called unabashedly for suspension of the rights to free speech and free assembly, until society had been restructured to fit socialist premises. The past thirty-five years have seen the American Left, once passionate in defense of this freedom, move into an ever-closer embrace of censorship in support of that ultimate chimera, "social justice."

     If free speech, which for decades was the only freedom the Left would rise to defend, must be disposed of when it impedes the socialization of America, then what freedom would remain? And what becomes of their claim to represent any "liberal" idea?


Part Three: Classifying the American Power-Seeker.

     So: Their followers may not know it and may not want to believe it, but the inner circle of the American Left is interested solely in gaining unlimited power over the rest of us. Where does this put them on the Great Taxonomic Chart of Politics?

     Communism -- nationalization of all industry and commerce -- is utterly unworkable and leads to mass poverty. Even folks who still call themselves Communists will admit it. But there's another totalitarian political faith that tries to avert Communism's failings while preserving its core. That creed leaves the nominal ownership of things in private hands, but then regulates their use and interplay as tightly as possible, and confiscates the greater part of the earnings from all commerce. It also extends into private lives, regulating and planning as much of human existence as possible -- all the while preserving the fiction that private life and private property still exist. It's this alternative to Communism that bears the greatest resemblance to the Left's program today.

     "Why bother to socialize industries? We socialize human beings." -- Adolf Hitler.

     Of course, typical Leftists will be horrified at the fascist label. But the similarities between the Left's programs and those of Mussolini are striking, especially as regards the ever-tightening regulatory web and ever-higher taxation the Left advocates. Yet, when compelled to concede this, they will insist that their purposes are utterly benign, so there can be no comparing them to the historic monsters that designed their ideological model.

     But really, is a social-welfare fascist any better in practice than a garden-variety fascist?

     In his 1944 book The Road To Serfdom, economics Nobelist Friedrich Hayek included a stunning essay titled "Why The Worst Get On Top." Its penetration of the dynamics of unlimited power caused the socialists of the Western world to crusade for a ban on Hayek's book. Yet Hayek's common sense thesis can be summarized in two points:

  • When unlimited power exists in the State, the man most likely to grasp it for his own will be the man who wants it most, and is most willing to use it.
  • Once someone stands at the pinnacle of power, his attention will be given primarily to eliminating threats to his hegemony, which means surrounding himself with henchmen who will do as he directs, without questions or moral qualms.

     When Gerald Ford said: "Any government big enough to give you everything you want is big enough to take everything you have," he was stating a truth that went completely over the heads of many well-meaning Americans. But it was a warning to be heeded. Social-welfare fascism, the operating principle of the American Left, would be no more "compassionate" once established here than Adolf Hitler or Benito Mussolini were.

Tuesday, January 17, 2017

International Political Meddlers

     A scorpion, desirous of crossing a river, approached a frog and requested the favor of transport. The frog was dubious. “If you were to sting me, I would die.” The scorpion assured the frog that it had no such intention. Besides, the scorpion said, it could not swim and would drown if it were to harm its benefactor. Thus persuaded, the frog allowed the scorpion to mount its back, and their traversal of the river commenced.
     When they were at the midpoint of the river, the scorpion drove its stinger into the frog’s back, injecting a lethal amount of venom into it. As the frog’s life faded, it cried out, “Why did you do that? Now we’ll both die!” The other replied, “I’m a scorpion. It’s my nature.”

     [Origin and originator unknown.]

     Just this morning, an Australian lady I follow on Gab.ai posted this:

     For some reason, it seems that many Australians seem to think that they have a say when it comes to American politics There have been multiple protests against Trump over the last few months here.

     It pricked a memory, which I decided to post:

     In 2004 a gaggle of British writers (including David Cornwall a.k.a. "John Le Carre") tried to promote the notion that everyone in the world has a right to vote in American elections, "because America affects everything everywhere." Few people remember that.

     That election, you may recall, was Bush II vs. Kerry. It was decided by a single state: Ohio. The Britons arguing for international participation in our elections were, of course, on Kerry’s side and against a second term for Dubya. Had they gotten their wish, perhaps Kerry would have won. His politics were more compatible with European social-democratic notions than those of George W. Bush.

     It casts a strange light on the current foofaurauw over supposed Russian “interference” in our most recent election.


     It’s common knowledge, or should be, that the last time Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stood for re-election, the Obama Administration sent personnel and funds to Israel to aid Netanyahu’s opponent. What’s not common knowledge is how often the major powers of the world do similar things. If this should become more widely known as a consequence of November 8, 2016, it can only be for the best.

     Governments are both one another’s allies and one another’s competitors. When the government of Brux sees a chance to “improve relations” with the government of Wazznia by attempting to influence Wazznian elections, it’s more likely than not to do so. Of course, the “improvement” sought might not strike the citizens of Wazznia as such. Indeed, the desired “improvement” might not be to the taste of the citizens of Brux, either. That’s in the nature of government-to-government relations.

     The key to the mystery is a distasteful realization:

Every government on Earth is in business for itself above all else.


     "Government's a dubious glory...You pay for your power and wealth by balancing on the sharp edge of the blade. That great amorphous thing out there -- the people -- has turned and swallowed many governments. They can do it in the flash of an angry uprising. The way you prevent that is by giving good government, not perfect government -- but good. Otherwise, sooner or later, your turn comes." [Frank Herbert, The Godmakers ]

     There’s no comprehending the behavior of governments or the persons who rise to power in them without first confronting that simple truth.

  • Governments as institutions seek to perpetuate themselves.
  • Those who run governments seek to perpetuate (and if possible increase) their power.
  • Those subject to governments are sheep to be shorn: no more, no less.

     Governments face two threats: revolution and conquest. Governors face those plus (in some countries) the possibility of being replaced. Even in supposed democracies, the first consideration any politician addresses when confronted by some question is how the alternatives would bear on his future. Even in supposedly divided governments, the opposing parties will cooperate and collaborate to perpetuate or reinforce the status quo. By now Americans should have had ample evidence of that.

     Whenever one government attempts to sway an election (or any other method of determining access to power) in another nation, its masters have one of those considerations in mind. If any question remains, it would be the specific nature of the consideration: military, economic, sociological, demographic, or other.


     Just yesterday, a fellow I was interviewing for a job I have in mind mentioned offhand his belief that I’m an anarchist. I suppose much of what I’ve said and written will support that belief. But at the bedrock level, I’m a believer in and advocate of individual freedom. That is: in any particular place, time, and demo-sociological context, whatever form of social organization will best support the maximum degree of individual freedom for the persons involved is what I would favor.

     The recorded history of the world has known several anarchisms. Pre-Roman Empire Sumer. Medieval Ireland and Iceland. In a de facto sense, the frontier American West of the Nineteenth Century. While they lasted, they were pretty good at keeping their “citizens” free and unencumbered. Yet none of them lasted, because at some point their “citizens” either chose a government or were subjected to one and failed to resist it effectively.

     Were the anarchisms that preceded those points preferable to what followed? Why not consult those who allowed governments to displace their previous arrangements? Don’t their historically recorded decisions and actions answer us pretty clearly? But contrariwise, don’t the decision and actions of their ancestors, who threw off the States over them in an openly expressed preference for anarchism, give the opposite answer?

     I wrote in the Foreword to Freedom’s Fury:

     I’m horrified by politics and all its fruits. I consider the use of coercive force against innocent men the greatest of all the evils we know. But I try, most sincerely, to be realistic about the world around us. In that world, peopled by men such as ourselves, anarchism—the complete abjuration and avoidance of the State—is unstable. In time, it will always give way to politics. Hammer it to the earth as many times as you may, you will never succeed in killing it permanently. The State will rise again.
     However, as we’ve learned to our sorrow these past few centuries, the State is unstable, too. It always deteriorates and falls, though not always swiftly. What follows it varies from place to place and era to era.

     While there are States, they will meddle with one another.
     Sometimes the meddling will go unnoticed.
     Sometimes it will only elicit comment.
     Sometimes there will be reprisals.
     Sometimes, there will be war.

     It is in the nature of these inherently savage beasts.

Monday, September 5, 2016

Scaly Wings And Rocket Ships

     It had to happen. Of course it had to happen. There had to be a fissioning of the parent organism – the community inaccurately and euphemistically called “SF/F fandom” – once part of it became implacably hostile to the rest. What will follow is the question of the day. For a change, my outlook is...optimistic.


     By now, any regular Gentle Reader of Liberty’s Torch will be aware of the upheavals over science fiction’s venerable Hugo Awards. I’ve written about them several times:

     Broadly, I consider the phenomenon an illustration of the dynamic that inheres in organization – any organization. The skeleton is fairly simple:

  1. As those who desire power above all other things will seek power wherever it can be found, an organization that possesses a power structure will be targeted by such persons.
  2. As such persons possess an inherent advantage over those who don’t worship power, over time the power-worshippers will come to control the organization.
  3. Once that has happened, the power-worshippers will alter the organization’s rules to prevent any threat to their hegemony.

     This has special significance for organizations that possess some measure of influence over cultural currents. Such an organization offers two kinds of power. The influence available over the associated cultural trend might be the more valuable of the two.

     But all that goes under the heading of “previous work.” A regular Gentle Reader of Liberty’s Torch will have grasped it already. (What’s that you say? You find it obscure, opaque, impenetrable? Were you here the first day?) It’s time to look at what follows when the organization has been completely suborned by power-worshippers and everyone is fully aware of it.


     The 2016 Dragon Awards have been announced. The list of winners reads like a Sad Puppies wish fulfillment. The Sad Puppies’ 2016 slate, of course, was completely disparaged, denigrated, and dismissed by the 2016 World Science Fiction Convention, where the Hugo Awards are decided. But then, WorldCon is firmly in the grip of our era’s most vicious, most determined power-worshippers: the “community” of “thought” we who don’t belong to it call “social justice warriors, “ or SJWs.

     The Dragons are awarded strictly by popular vote. I have no data on how many persons voted. (If anyone has the figures, I’d dearly love to see them.) What I do know is how eager the SJWs that dominate WorldCon are to disparage, demean, and dismiss the Dragons. Nicki at The Liberty Zone has captured some of the venom. (Please spare me the labor of copying all those images; go to Nicki’s site for them.)

     This, too, is only to be expected. What remains to be seen are:

  • The size of the community that participates in the Dragons;
  • Non-SF/F media attention to the Dragons;
  • The market influence of the Dragons.

     ...specifically in comparison to the Hugos. If the Dragons prove to be more influential than the Hugos, especially as an influence on sales, the SJWs who have corrupted the Hugo Awards will target the Dragons.

     Remember Robert Conquest’s Second Law of Politics:

Any organization not explicitly right-wing will, over time, become left-wing

     ...because – as if you needed to be told – leftists worship power above all other things. They require it to achieve their social, political, and economic ends.

     They who have organized the Dragons should be on the lookout for early signs of infiltration. What they choose to do about it – what they can do about it – is another subject.


     For the moment, the Dragons are good news: those who voted in them appear to have placed originality and storytelling ability above political polemics. What the future will hold for the Dragons is uncertain, though the dynamic is absolute and inevitable. If you care about good fiction – and by that I mean good fiction, not political harangues thinly dressed in space suits or wizards’ robes – the winners of the 2016 awards are available for your enjoyment. If you care a lot, you might consider participating in the Dragon Awards process in future years. The more participants, the more influence the Dragons will have on the direction of SF and fantasy fiction. Who knows? We might even see the end of the already overly prolonged vampire, werewolf, and zombie crazes.

     All that having been said, it’s time for me to add a few items to my reading list.